| 谢英俊 让弱势群体协力营造生态房 从日月潭畔邵族部落的灾后重建到华北腹地定州翟城村“生态示范屋”建筑师谢英俊不以资本、利润为导向诠释着他对其势汹汹的消费时代的另类思考“见到谢老师了吗?”“他刚刚在‘地球屋一号’那边!”“见到谢老师了吗?”“他好像去了‘亚齐一号’!”…… 正是今夏酷热难耐的“桑拿天”，在北京西南约200公里的河北省定州市翟城村，在村西由一座废弃的中学校园改建的“晏阳初乡村建设学院”里，竟在这“热死牛”的三伏天里大兴土木，院落的东西两侧同时在“起楼房”。 与惯常见到的施工工地不同，那些在屋架上下忙碌的盖房人，不是木工师傅、不是泥瓦匠，而是一水儿的青年男女学生，有人不时地擦拭着眼镜上的汗水，被汗水 浸透的紫红色T恤上，印有“2005暑期工作营”字样———来自清华大学、天津大学、同济大学等二十多所高校建筑专业的40名本科生、硕士生及博士生，平 生第一次自己动手盖房子。 这支施工队伍兵分三路： 东头那栋原木结构、草土泥墙的两层小楼，是地球屋一号。 它的近邻便是地球屋二号，同样的两层楼房，同样的草土泥墙，但房屋的龙骨则以轻型钢骨支撑。 而在院落西侧，一座以竹片、草席搭建的带有热带风情的阁楼，正是“亚齐一号”———亚齐省是去年底印度洋海啸发生时，印度尼西亚的重灾区。 显然，这是三栋“示范”房屋。 握住突突吼叫的电钻“断木”;将一根根竹条捆绑成结结实实的竹墙，夯土、打木钉、紧螺栓，无论男女生，烈日下个个都是挥汗如雨的壮劳力。 太阳西去，会议室的灯光下，这些壮劳力们又开始了一轮脑力劳动：用电脑演示麦秸与黏土“浇铸”的墙体图，讨论这种墙体冬暖夏凉的原理;惊叹中国传统木作 不用一根铁钉的“燕尾榫”竟将“中梁”与“边柱”咬合得如此结实又如此巧妙;但又搞不明白那看似简单的墙体“斜撑”是怎样相互受力…… 这些都是他们在专业课堂上极少接触的内容，每每遇到搞不懂或解释不清的问题，大家都会习惯性地发问：“谢老师在哪里?”，“请谢老师讲一讲!” 作为“暑期工作营”的“总教官”，作为晏阳初乡建学院诸项在建工程的“总建筑师”，谢老师总是一副不急不慌的神态，斯斯文文地讲话。人至中年，额发已经谢幕，不过脑后的一根细辫，多少给人一种“前卫”或者“另类”的感觉。 在台湾，建筑师谢英俊和他的“第三建筑工作室”，因“九二一”大地震后，全力帮助人口不足300人的邵族原住民“协力造屋”而广为人知，甚至一度被媒体“神化”。一个“只会盖便宜房子的人” ■农民可就地取材无需成本 谢英俊第一次走进河北定州翟城村，走进晏阳初乡村建设学院，就像一个游走四方的“背包客”，时在2004年春。 除了极简单的生活用品，背囊里最宝贝的是那台笔记本电脑。就在此前，这台电脑配合他在香港大学的演讲，将一帧帧建筑图片、同时也将他的“永续建筑”理念 传达给现场听众。演讲结束后，一位朋友对他说：“你应该到北京去见一见温铁军，他在河北定州组建了一所乡村建设学院”。 于是他飞到北 京，“和温老师谈话，15分钟就把事情搞定”。温铁军是著名的“三农”专家，曾经入选CCTV2003年度十大经济人物，任职中国人民大学乡村建设学院院 长，同时兼任晏阳初乡村建设学院院长。谢英俊说：“我用电脑演示给他，我在台湾在做什么，怎样协助那些经济弱势的群体，以互助的方式‘协力造屋’，进行社 区建设，还谈到怎样以住房合作社的方式来解决一些问题。可以说，我们一拍即合。” 接受温铁军“到学院看一看”的邀请，谢英俊登上了南去定州的火车。得知来了一位建筑师，学院办公室主任邱建生将一份厕所设计图纸递到他手中：“来学院参加培训和参观的人不少，应该盖个新厕所。” 谢英俊说：“盖厕所就盖厕所，可是要按我的经验来啦!” 这位刚刚走下香港大学演讲台的建筑师，这位在台湾获得多项建筑奖并被媒体追捧的人物，竟以华北农村的一处厕所为“开端”，在大陆铺陈他的建筑理念。 厕所是农村卫生落后的一个重头问题。近年有关方面推行一种“粪尿分集式”厕所，谢英俊认为很科学：“城里人用马桶，排放到污水厂处理时耗水量非常大。传 统的农村厕所有臭味，是由于粪尿混合。从设计上把它们分开，各安其事，大便坑里随时撒些草木灰或者泥土，让它干燥，干燥后成为很好的有机肥，能制成干粉养 花护草。尿液池在太阳晒不到的阴面可以减少发散，农民们取来浇菜也方便。” 但是对盖厕所使用的材料，谢英俊不仅与“标准图纸”意见相左，也令施工的村民颇感意外：旧木头、柳树苗扎就的草屋顶;麦秸黏土墙;苇席钉成的木门;涂料桶剪成的男便池……最后，这座有四蹲坑、四小便槽的“公共厕所”，造价2000元。 而若按图纸设计估算：铝合金门窗、塑料窗纱、塑料管材等，则需耗资2万元。 后来，乡建学院将厕所的外景照片粘贴在网页上，名曰：“生态厕所”。 虽然这位台湾来的建筑师没有盖起一座人们想象中高档、讲究的厕所，村里人也不以为意，只是觉得这个人就像他脑后的小辫儿，多少有些怪异罢了。 不过，当他又在学院东侧的空地上破土盖房、而且要盖一栋两层160平方米的宅屋时，村里人开始议论纷纷，70多岁的米国璋老汉说：“我天天都去看，看房子盖得怎么样了。” 翟城村说不上富裕，在河北省属中等收入水平，村子一条东西方向的主干道，道路两旁的农户普遍是五开间的宅院，花砖铺地，瓷砖外墙。家境好些的，房子款式，大理石地面光可鉴人，档次一点也不输给城里人。 可是这位台湾来的谢老师，却比照着老辈人的苦日子盖房：木梁木檩、麦秸泥墙、灶台火炕……这不是又往回走了吗?! ■两层小楼连工带料不足5万元 其实，在这栋两层小楼上细细观察，还是能够发现它与传统农居已有很大不同：改五开间为三开间，楼上卧室、楼下堂屋和厨卫;有太阳能取暖、有管道通向沼气池;据说它的地基部分反复作了防潮处理;墙体内也填充稻草以利保温隔热，产生冬暖夏凉的效果。 谢英俊说：“在欧洲，有钱人才住这种房子呐!我们许多人在观念上需要再教育。” 在谢英俊看来，住这样的房子，你不必担心甲醛超标，“木材、稻草、麦秆，这些天然植物不仅无毒害反而还能吸收空气中的二氧化碳。在欧洲你排放二氧化碳是要付费的，《京都议定书》就是要控制二氧化碳排放量。” 除“节能、生态、环保”的特点外，“造价低”是谢英俊极想把它推荐给贫困地区农民的又一个原因：“盖这种房子，农民可以就地取材，不依赖市场，麦秸、黏土几乎无成本，劳动力可以用换工的形式，算下来盖一栋这种木结构的两层楼，连工带料还不到5万元。” 后来，天津大学建筑学院的同学帮他算了另一笔账：农民家里如果有树或备有木料，还可以减少近2万元费用。 在谢英俊的建筑理想里，“居者”不仅要“有其屋”，还要有对房屋的参与性，可是原木结构的房屋营造需要较高的木工技术，譬如凿榫头、墨斗放线等等。于 是，他又推出“轻钢结构”的“示范屋”：将定制的轻钢骨按序号联接，房屋的骨架站立起来后，剩下就是抹泥墙的活路了。谢英俊说：“只要会紧螺栓，就能 干!”轻钢架构住宅也是国家建设部近年推广发展的房屋类型。谢英俊说：“与原木结构相比，轻钢结构的房屋造价还要低一些，大约在4万元左右。” 这就是先后出现在晏阳初乡建学院东侧的两栋小楼：地球屋一号和地球屋二号。 那一天，三位得知信息的兰考农民来定州拜访谢英俊，这个当年因县委书记的好榜样焦裕禄而名声远扬的兰考县，至今还戴着“贫困县”的帽子，来人约请谢老师去兰考：“指导农民合作社的施工队，也盖一套这样的‘示范间’”。 又一日，乡建学院办公室主任邱建生，吃饭时嘴里嚼着馒头发问：“我福建老家是山区，不富裕，谢老师能不能去指导指导，让那边的穷人也能住上楼房。” 对此，谢老师常常报以自嘲：“我命苦，只会盖这种便宜房子。”为邵族“家屋重建”忙碌的人 ■指导台湾原驻民震后重建 吉普车颠簸着行驶在地震后的台湾中部山路上，绿波如镜的日月潭也因这场地动山摇的灾难，顿失妩媚风韵。坐在吉普车里的谢英俊，感觉海拔两千多英尺的水社 大山，“山体好像都被摇松了，许多山路都截断了”;原本葱郁如绿锦的山峦，“就像被巨爪抓出一道道爪痕，裸露出红褐色的土壤”。 这是1999年10月的一天，造成两千多人死亡的“九二一”大地震过后不久，他与几位从事社会学、人类学研究的朋友一起，应邵族部落请求，来到他们世代居住的日月潭畔。 “到处都是残垣断壁，人心惶惶，邵族的情况特别糟糕，住在临时搭建的帐篷里，等待救助。” 这个弱小的民族地震后仅存280人，不仅是台湾也是全世界人口最少的族群，日据时代邵族被划为高山族，但又具有与高山族不同的文化习俗。此时，几位人类学者、社会学者更加忧心忡忡，他们担心这个山地民族为寻求生存而四分五散，除了地震，他们还面临着族群消失的危险。 最好的办法就是保存邵族人聚居的社区，协助邵族人重建家屋，而这项与其说光荣不如说艰难任务的人选，就是建筑师谢英俊。 地震前，谢英俊和他的“第三建筑工作室”安营扎寨于台湾北部的新竹县，其在业内的声誉也因新竹的建筑设计而得到提升，譬如获台湾建筑奖的新竹县立文化中 心，以及宜兰县礁溪户外剧场，便立意消弭观众与舞台的距离，看演出时观众不必正襟危坐，可以翘脚盘腿，随意自然。谢英俊说：“我们充分考虑到观众的自由度 和演员的自由度，在这种自由中双方的交流互动，就像传统的戏剧演出，观众坐在八仙桌旁，喝茶嗑瓜子，兴起时可以大声叫好。” 就在业务与生意前景极为看好时，就在业内和文化圈内“开始知道有我这么一个家伙时”，谢英俊被邵族人的困境所召唤，将“大本营”从新竹县迁址至日月潭畔邵族村落。 在闽南语中，称盖房为“起厝”，而对于那些经济条件低下，无力“起厝”的邵族人，很长时间内还居住在“铁皮寮”或废弃的“货柜车”内，勉强度日。这期 间，谢英俊拳打脚踢，奔走劳碌：去台北市募款，无论多寡均须作揖道谢;回到部落，要动员说服邵族家庭接受他“永续建筑”的理念和营造方案，有时就像秘密接 头，要避开某些开发商的耳目，否则，他前脚刚走，后面就有广播：“不要给那个谢什么什么的团队盖房子，他们不会盖房子，不要让他盖!” 在极为简单甚至简陋的生活条件下，谢英俊将最主要的精力用于邵族社区重建的蓝图中，他考虑到邵族的文化习性：祭祖灵，崇拜自然神，家家都供奉“公妈篮”———一种将祖先遗物放在篮子里供奉的习俗。 于是在图纸上，他设计了全族人举行祭奠的广场，居室内则专门设计了摆放神龛———公妈篮的位置，谢英俊对此的体会是：“‘永续建筑’不是简单的盖房子，也不仅仅事关生态环保，它还具有社会文化思维、文化保存的因子。” ■300套房屋300种式样 考虑到邵族人的经济能力，和当地气候温和的特点，谢英俊以竹木结构和抗震性好的轻钢结构为设计基点，外观样式和位置朝向则完全“悉听尊便”，由屋主选 择。自1999年至今的6年时间里，谢英俊和他建筑工作室的同事们，率领由邵族青年组成的建筑队，走出日月潭，支援其它原住民族部落灾后重建，共建造了 300多套房屋。 谢英俊说：“这300套房屋，300种样式，家家都有不同之处。竹子墙、石子墙，依然是就地取材。” 经过几年的风风雨雨，患难与共，谢英俊说他非常喜欢这个山地民族的性格：豪爽、纯朴，大碗喝酒、大口吃肉……他说：“要知道，这群人在从前，根本不会有建筑专业进入到他的生命，我的建筑生命也因为这次介入原住民社区的机会，而有着多样化的光彩。” 这种以相互生命“进入”与“介入”的结果，自然非同小可，2003年谢英俊和他的伙伴们，以作品“九二一家屋重建：邵族安置社区”，获“第三届远东杰出建筑师设计佳作奖”。一个常发另类思考的人 ■他斥责在乡村盖起一栋栋西式洋楼是垃圾 2005年4月，谢英俊应慈善机构的邀请，赴印度洋海啸的重灾区印度尼西亚亚齐省，筹划灾民重建住房事宜。看到那些蹲在椰树下无奈又无所事事的青壮年， 谢英俊更坚定了他由来已久的一个想法：灾后重建决不能把承包商带来。50万人迁移，15万没有技术的劳动力，协力造屋是最佳选择。 其 实，这项“协力造屋”行动可以上溯至1907年的德国，基督教传教士创立“家园协会”，与贫病交加的雪茄工人和农民一起，用自己的双手，在橡树、山毛榉、 杉木林间建设家园。1986年，前苏联切尔诺贝利核电灾难，上百万居民居住在受辐射污染的地区。1991年起，一群德国志愿者与灾民一起，用各界的捐款， 在没有被辐射污染的土地上，建造起33座就地取材的“黏土-木架屋”。据说，10年间，至少1000人参与其中，他们每年夏天捐出三周的假期。 谢英俊就是在这样的国际视野中开始了他的本土实践。他强调自己动手，协力互助，还有更深层面的思考，那就是对日益膨胀的房地产市场化的一种反拨，和对日益凸显的资源能耗的“天下之忧”。 他认为，当下的“发展论”是有问题的，以糟蹋自然资源来发展传统工业，不是可持续的。被房地产广告“轰炸”和“洗脑”的9亿农民，如果都想达到那样的生活水准，“地球会毁了”。 他斥责，在有着乡土风俗的村落，盖起的一栋栋西式洋楼，“是垃圾”。 “我们对现代化的理解是有落差的”，这种落差令他感同身受：“我知道，当我给房屋砌上泥土墙时，有人恨不能拆掉它贴上瓷砖;即使是灾后一贫如洗，他都要盖那种欧洲城堡。”他认为，推广“生态房”的阻力，首先是价值观念问题。 而现在普遍盛行的是“向城市靠拢的审美方式”，知识阶层也不例外，他认为“如果只有一种模式，就缺少对社会文化的思维”。 ■低造价生态房在老少边穷地区非常有前途 他被很多人看成“异类”，有人认为他挑战了“建筑的乃至社会的主流价值观与文化定向”;还有人直率而言：“你是后现代哎!” 谢英俊打趣道：“我不是后现代，因为我从来就没有现代过。”不过他很快承认，世界范围内的后现代思潮及其理论，正是发韧于建筑艺术领域，“现代性的规置性、同一性太强，这种框架应该挣脱。” 现在的问题倾向是，“过度”的现代化与市场化，或者说“异化”了的现代化与市场化。在这种情形下，他认为，有识之士“应该调转眼光，重新回到被现代化抛弃、破坏了的某些传统”。因此，他将自己的建筑工作室以“第三”命名，其涵义是：既不现代也不传统。 他知道，自己示范推广的低造价的“生态房”，在广袤的农村，在老少边穷地区“非常有前途”，“但目前刚刚开始，要做的事情太多了。中国农村发展惊人的快，现在不赶快做，就来不及了。” 同一些只流于清谈的思想者不同，谢英俊所从事的建筑工作是具象而实际的，这就使他面临双赢的可能：作为思想者的思考价值和作为操作者的物化价值，尽管他为此也做了双倍的付出。 留存于空间的房屋建筑，年复一年地讲述着建筑者的故事,建筑师也就年复一年地被时光考官来阅卷。 两岸学人评说谢英俊 我到麻省理工学院后计划做两件事，一是把华人的建筑介绍到美国去，例如台湾的谢英俊，他为邵族村落社区做设计，难度非常高，但也充分彰显其意义，我会介绍谢英俊到美国去，说明如何透过建筑，呈现弱势群体的积极性和教育性。———张永和（建筑学家） 固然，谢英俊的主张还需在实践过程中逐步改善，他提供的营造过程与原住民之间的互动可以改善得让使用者有更细致的表达机会，他坚持的建筑构造工艺所获致 的空间文化形式也可以更容易为原住民认同，容许更丰富的想象……谢英俊的建筑实践仍然重重地敲击着主流建筑学院习以为常的价值，与他们诸多未经检验的粗暴 专业成见。———夏铸九（台湾大学城乡研究所教授） 谢英俊做的不只是所谓灾区重建工作，而是推动一场环境革命。这样说，倒不是从社会意义去看……我深切地感受到一位秃了头的中年建筑师，仍满怀浪漫地从他所设计的房屋，兀自形塑出一尊住屋者的主体。———王墨林（台湾戏剧评论家） |
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发表日期：2006年2月16日 出处：《南风窗》杂志 作者：本刊记者 田磊 发自湖北襄樊 【编辑录入：李豫】http://64.233.169.104/search?q=cache:fAvaXUBQN4sJ:www.nfcmag.com/ReadNews.asp%3FNewsID%3D4412+%E5%AD%99%E5%90%9B%EF%BC%8C%E7%8E%AF%E4%BF%9D&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us
发表日期：2006年2月16日 出处：《南风窗》杂志 作者：本刊记者 田磊 发自湖北襄樊 【编辑录入：李豫】http://64.233.169.104/search?q=cache:fAvaXUBQN4sJ:www.nfcmag.com/ReadNews.asp%3FNewsID%3D4412+%E5%AD%99%E5%90%9B%EF%BC%8C%E7%8E%AF%E4%BF%9D&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us
然而最近两年来，在孩子们口中“渺小和落后”的五山镇越来越多地吸引了外界的注意力。自2003年底，来自北京的画家孙君和他的环保NGO“绿十字”开始在五山的工作，推广垃圾分类、倡导“一改四建”（建沼气，改水改厕改圈改灶）、建设五山茶坛，并最终被多家媒体冠以乡村生态文化建设的“五山模式”进行报道。 五山茶坛的农民信仰 五山镇距离襄樊市70公里，距离武汉400公里，通往武汉的高速公路就从这个小镇穿过。全镇每年能有机会升入大学的孩子不超过50个，青壮年也大多都在山东的金矿打工。 五山镇因四周环绕的5座山而得名，20个小村随意地散落在山间，让人惊讶的是，偶尔能发现一两座别具风情的山间小屋，被涂抹得鲜亮无比，红艳艳的，瓦蓝瓦蓝的都有，房顶有阳台和小走廊，有露台花台，颇有些雕栏玉砌的感觉。 村落间由水泥路彼此连通，曲折的小道两旁，几乎是同样的风景：一溜的水杉树，高耸入云。水杉之外，便是连绵的山丘和漫山遍野的茶园。靠山吃山，这里的乡民，便是靠这些茶园为生。有NGO来考察时，说路不该修成水泥的，跟美丽的水杉和满山的茶园不协调，也不环保。但干部村民都不以为然：“走了几十年的泥巴路，早该修水泥路了。” 堰河村是五山最小也最美的村子。一条小河穿村而过，清冽的河水汩汩作响，一直流向几十公里外的丹江口水库，那个水库是“南水北调”的水源地。因为这个原因，堰河村引起了很多环保组织的注意，人们担心，调水真正开始后，这里将面临严重的生态危机。 孙君和他的“绿十字”第一次来五山也真是缘于此。在进一步接触之后，他们萌发了一个更为宏大的计划：要在这个3.4万人的小镇进行一场生态与文化的建设，借助城市文明的智慧，来改造这个乡村，改造乡民们的信仰以及衣食住行的习惯。 “如果能有所成就，那几乎是一场乡村文明的重建。”孙君说，他的理想，就是将农村建得更像农村，而不是一味地城镇化，农民应该有农民的文明和信仰。 “五山茶坛”便是一个有关信仰的标志物，但是，当我在满山的茶园中找到这个2米多高的花岗岩雕塑时，却感受不到庄严，黑漆漆的建筑，有些像香炉，孙君所写的“五山茶坛”几个字也已有些斑驳不清，倒是由于身处茶山的最高峰，给茶坛平添了几份神圣，站在茶坛上，苍翠的茶园、散落的民居，整个小镇尽收眼底。 茶坛设计费用六七万元，但最终施工只有2.5万元。孙君说，设计方案改了无数次，每次改稿都会存在很多争吵，跟村委会、茶场老师以及施工队争吵，最终成了这个样子。就在茶坛建好后不久，茶坛神道口的两座石狮子，就被人当成文物给偷走了。 但是，在乡民们的描述中，2004年4月28日的开坛大典却颇为庄严：取5座山顶峰之土各9斤，用5河之水各9斤，采当年之头茶上中下品各9斤，各镇、村、家庭采茶9两、9钱、9分……整个过程在中午12点准时开始，由村里年龄和威望最高的男性老人采土和取水，过程要拍片、要记录、要有时间、人物、装配、运输……每个细节都一丝不苟，庄重而神圣。 仪式的细节几乎全部源于孙君的设计，他居然说服当地的干部和村民，接受了这个看起来异想天开的茶坛和仪式！孙君说，这是心灵深处的仪式，是一个信仰构筑的过程，确立一种信仰，只要从农民的生活和口语文化入手，这个信仰就开始有了生命。 居住示范村的意义 何湾村是孙君计划中另一个重要部分，他要把这里建成“农民居住示范村”。在他看来，美丽的乡村风情，最直接的表现就是房子，而且要是农民们睡觉、看电视、做饭、养猪、堆放农具的房子，不是风景区里伪造的“农家乐”房子，更不是建筑师们自娱自乐的作品。 几十年来，中国农民们盖了无数的新房子，但是，我们看到的几乎是清一色的火柴盒、白瓷砖、蹩脚的仿欧式建筑。“农村房子成了建筑意义上的一大悲剧。” 在绿十字给村民们做的一次培训会上，有人问：“孙老师，我家要盖房子，怎样才能盖一个漂亮的，又能100年不落后的房子呢？”这个问题让画家出身的孙君一下子滔滔不绝：“北京的四合院、云南大理的石头房子、湖南凤凰的吊脚楼、江南周庄的明清民居等等这些房子，不要说100年，就是1000年，他们都不落后，而这些，大都是当地农民自己建的房子。” 为此，孙君拜访了清华大学建筑系等机构，搜集了北京的四合院、云南的石头屋、江南的民居以及国外美丽的乡间小屋，把这些照片带到五山给村民们看。 但是，他一直没有找到愿意来五山实地参观，并为村民设计房子的建筑师。城里的建筑师们在自己工作室里做出的设计方案，则更像是在造乡村别墅，而不是民居，造价动辄数十万。 在一个志愿者的帮助下，身为画家而不是建筑师的孙君自己设计了20多 套乡村民居，红砖黑瓦，他的设计图纸看起来更像一幅水墨画而不是可供施工所用的建筑图纸，他自己动手，用河石、黑瓦、红砖建起了一片院落后，村民们却大都 认为：“这不是跟我们几十年前的老房子差不多吗？难看得很！”直到有城里人来游玩，惊讶于这片院落如此漂亮时，村民们才有些将信将疑。 到去年10月份，何湾村的样板房终于建好了一栋。花了6万多元，主人钟呈华对房子颇为满意，主要是这房子让他觉得特有面子：“孙老师说了，我这房子至少50年不落后，我看起来也很像城里的小洋楼。” 但钟呈华并没有严格按照孙君的图纸来建房，白瓷砖、罗马柱，还有绿色的大玻璃一样没少，而且，他把猪圈扩大了许多。 钟呈华家隔壁，是村里“破烂王”的宅基地。地基已经打好了，却一直没有开建，村长说，整天收破烂，家里需要个大院子，要也按照图纸设计的那么整齐，肯定不行，自己随便建，又怕影响村里的整体规划，所以一直在伤脑筋呢。 村头另一处按照图纸建好的房子，也让孙君觉得有些别扭，“颜色涂得太俗了”，于是，村干部找农户商议，能否改一下。但本来建房只要7万，现在再改一下，材料就要10万元，农户说什么也不愿意。 村 民们各有各的难处，加上去年的水灾、天下雨砖厂烧不出红砖、村干部换届等各种原因，何湾村的样板房计划一直没有多大进展。但是，最让他们有面子的是，建好 的房子引起了不少人注意，邻村便有人特意来参观，回去后“比葫芦画瓢”，建起了“小洋楼”。村民们说，村里盖房子一直都是这样，谁家的房子好看，大家就都 照着盖，孙老师是个画家，设计的房子像画的画一样，很好看。就是选的材料不怎么好用，猪圈设计得有点小。 何湾村还有一栋老房子引起了孙君的注意，这栋房子建于解放前，早已破败不堪，“过了年，打算拆掉建新房了。”这让孙君萌发了一个新想法：建一座乡村建筑的博物馆。他说，这些老房子最能让人看到村庄的历史。2006年，他要说服村民尽力把村里每个年代的老房子都保留一间下来，保留些可触摸的历史，才可能会有自己的文明。 知识分子上山下乡 画家的浪漫在点缀着山村的风情。孙君这样一个完全的外来者，试图从信仰开始，教乡民们垃圾分类，教他们盖房子，也许以后还有穿衣服、做饭。如今谈到五山镇，孙君已经习惯于称“我们五山”，他似乎成了这个小镇的一分子或者叫主人，这个远在北京生活、工作的画家，寄望于在这个偏远的小镇建立他心目中的乡村风情、信仰、文化乃至文明。 两年多的时间，之所以一点点在接近目标，孙君说，他一直相信：改变一个政府，他们就能建起一片绿洲。五山镇的党委书记余宝军，显然接受了孙君的种种建议，并动用镇政府的行政力量去支持他。 余宝军原本的意图是想通过绿十字把五山镇的茶叶卖到北京去。没想到，他的选择却给五山带来了意外的收获。今年4月份，湖北省的新农村建设会议将在五山召开，“据说，省委书记俞正声也将亲自参加。”对于地处鄂西北偏远山区的五山来说，这样的机会前所未有。 这两年，通过孙君，余宝军认识了清华大学的教授、社科院的博士、《人民日报》的记者、建筑设计师等等这些原本与小镇毫不相干的人。他说现在明白了，农村最缺少的是知识，城市里多余的智慧却用都用不完，“真希望中国能够再来一次‘知识分子上山下乡’，当然，形式要变。”这个40多岁的乡镇党委书记如今雄心勃勃：只要再给我100万，我能把五山打扮成一个世外桃源，因为我们有山、有水，有漂亮的房子和淳朴的农民。 对于孙君来说，自豪的在于两点：一是，他在五山的项目已经得到了世界银行的资助，世界银行的行长来中国访问时，在北京贵宾楼召见他，“那是我4年后第一次穿西装。”二是，他能和这里的书记、镇长成为至交，能得到村干部和乡民们的尊敬。 在 五山周围更多的乡镇，欢迎的依然是带着项目前来的老板们，他们将为这里带来工厂，带来财富，就像珠三角、长三角的村庄刚刚经历的那样。对于乡民们来说，老 板和文人，同样都是外来者。很难用一种固定的标准来判断谁好谁坏，直接的经济利益和强烈的道德意志都有足够正当的理由，而且来到这片土地时，两者身上的优 越感总是自然地随之而来，区别只在于，一个是基于财富，一个是基于文化。 乡民们更需要财富还是风情？也许二者并不是矛盾的。起码五山选择了风情，或者说余宝军选择了风情，这个与当年的李昌平有些类似的乡镇党委书记，与孙君最一致的观点是：农村应该更像农村，而不是去搞什么城镇化，中国农村还很贫穷，我们要面对现实。 |
Philanthropy's New Frontier: China
Philanthropy's New Frontier
Once reviled, charitable giving is growing in China, thanks to a new generation of wealthy individuals
http://philanthropy.com/free/articles/v19/i23/23000701.htm
Mao Zedong formed the People's Republic of China in 1949 after a long and bloody civil war. Among
| ALSO SEE: ARTICLE: Building a Spirit of Generosity ARTICLE: Scrutiny by Chinese Officials Dampens Hopes of Charitable Groups ARTICLE: American Grant Makers Seek to Deepen Their Involvement in China ARTICLE: Big Philanthropists in East Asia: a Sampling of Their Key Donations OPINION ARTICLE: In Asia, a Different 'Art of Asking' |
In the communist nation he established, the government oversaw citizens' welfare from cradle to grave, while private giving was reviled as a symbol of elitist wealth and an affront to the classless society Mao preached.
Six decades later, Chinese philanthropy is re-emerging.
Thanks to its state-run capitalism, China is experiencing massive economic growth. New millionaires are being created at roughly the same pace as in the United States. While many of the affluent are known for their lavish way of life, members of this growing generation of wealthy Chinese are developing a taste for charity.
From 2003 to 2006, mainland China's five most-generous individuals gave at least $640-million to charitable causes, says the Hurun Report, an Asian personal-finance magazine that creates an annual list of the country's biggest donors.
Perhaps the best-known philanthropist is East Asia's wealthiest man, Li Ka-shing. Mr. Li, who lives in Hong Kong, which is part of China but operates under different laws, has donated more than $1-billion during the past four decades in hopes of inspiring a "culture of giving" among Chinese.
"I respect anyone who is willing to contribute his time, energy, and resources to helping the needy," he said in an interview with The Chronicle.
Cultural Differences
The rise of Chinese giving has piqued the interest of American fund raisers. While almost all foreign charities are barred from soliciting within mainland China, U.S. universities and other large nonprofit institutions are sniffing out opportunities to inspire Mr. Li and other Hong Kong tycoons to support their work.
The University of California, for example, in August announced that it had established a fund-raising arm in Hong Kong, to allow Asian donors to receive tax benefits for gifts to any of the system's campuses.
But while such efforts have borne fruit, experts in Asian philanthropy caution that charities need to be savvy about the cultural differences between East and West before expecting windfalls.
Within China itself, the government has gingerly promoted giving and charity work to help close the gap between the haves and the have-nots. While the nation has a growing rich upper class, about 10 percent of its 1.3 billion citizens continue to live on less than $1 a day.
To encourage antipoverty work and other efforts, in the past few years the government has set up regulations to govern nonprofit activities. In 2004, the government ordered homegrown foundations to donate at least 8 percent of their assets each year — U.S. law requires 5 percent — and in January the Ministry of Finance and the State Administration of Taxation set the requirements that a "nonprofit public-welfare social association" must meet to receive tax-deductible donations.
China, however, is wary of giving too much financial and political independence to the country's nonprofit groups, which number around 340,000, though other estimates place the number around two million.
'Mother-in-Law Rule'
The largest and most high-profile nonprofit organizations often are run by retired government officials, and the Ministry of Civil Affairs requires charities to be sponsored by a different government agency to apply for nonprofit status. The regulation, known informally as the "mother-in-law rule," often serves as a barrier to receiving state recognition.
"You need to find a supervisor first, before you can register. But many government organizations will refuse to supervise you," says Yiyi Lu, an expert on Chinese charities and a researcher at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, in London.
Red tape is not the only obstacle facing philanthropy in China.
Other problems include the lack of public information about nonprofit groups, the perception that some donations are bribes to government employees, and the view that wealthy individuals make gifts to benefit their business interests.
Despite these challenges, the Asian nation's economic success and emerging status as a global superpower mean it will have a huge influence on the nonprofit world.
Indeed, some financial analysts predict that China will surpass the United States as the world's largest economy in 20 years. And if the country's cultural and bureaucratic obstacles to charity fall, Chinese philanthropy in the future may someday overtake the storied generosity of the WestFeb 1, 2008
What Experts Say about Situation in China
Social Entrepreneurs in China?
He Fan, an economist, likes to say that “there are a lot of similarities between raising a five-year old and advising the Chinese government.” One has to be patient and make them feel comfortable and confident in their own capabilities so that they can reach adulthood (in the case of his son) or join the international community (in the case of China). But it is important to move slowly: sometimes, the Chinese authorities are not sure whether N.G.O.s are not in fact A.G.O.s –Anti-Government Organisations.
Considering the social upheaval that China is currently facing (massive urbanisation and globalisation), there is no doubt that social entrepreneurs have a major role to play there. Karen Tse, whose organisation concentrates on criminal law in China, reminded us that the word for ‘crisis’ in Chinese is both ‘danger’ and ‘opportunity.’ The perfect mantra for a social entrepreneur…
Wu Qing and Beijing Cultural Development Center for Rural Women
Focus: Women, Education
The Innovation
When one considers the challenges and constraints that Wu Qing has faced in carrying out her efforts, her work is indeed innovative and transformational. To accomplish her vision of rule of law and empowerment of women, Wu Qing has had to consistently think outside of the box — while being within the box. As a democratically elected People’s Deputy, she has worked tirelessly to fight for the rights of people in general, and women in particular, using as her tool the Chinese Constitution. She has helped set up a women’s hotline and co-founded the Rural Women magazine and its outreach projects. These have had a ripple effect upon Chinese society, as both initiatives build women’s entrepreneurial spirit from the grassroots.
Background
While Chinese society modernizes and globalizes, women’s roles and rights continue to be heavily dominated by tradition, especially in rural areas. To change China, the situation in rural areas must change, since China is primarily rural. As women comprise the majority of the inhabitants in those areas, changing their mindsets will substantially change the country. Wu Qing has been an adept advocate of women’s rights in China for decades. In 1988, she helped launch China’s first university course on feminism. She also helped set up the first hotline to help women confront problems of family, marriage, divorce, sexual harassment and domestic violence. Wu helped set up the “Rural Women Knowing All” magazine to raise awareness of the importance of encouraging women to develop their own potential and improve their health, knowledge of law, skills in different areas and productivity. Wu has been a legislator since 1984. She has been elected for five terms as the People’s Deputy to the Haidian District People’s Congress and four terms to the Beijing Municipal People’s Congress (the city Parliament). In those capacities, she has been highly entrepreneurial, working long hours to hear the concerns of her constituents and using the Constitution to supervise the authorities and pushing for rule of law and justice. Such an approach is unusual in China. For Wu Qing, the “rule of law must override the rule of men.” The first step is to train the public.
Strategy
The Practical Skills Training Centre for Rural Women is one of the projects organized under the magazine umbrella. The centre is a place where rural women and girls learn skills for economic and political independence. Since April 1999, over 2,600 women and girls have participated in the programmes of the centre. Wu focuses on grassroots training projects on citizenship, gender, micro-credit, health and legal and political participation. She believes that women are trainers of future generations—and the centre of the Chinese movement towards democracy. She also talks to university students about citizenship, gender and social responsibility. The greatest challenge to Wu Qing’s work with women is the lack of an official policy on NGOs in China. But she is optimistic now that China is a member of the WTO and has a new government. The eyes of the world are on China, and particularly, on how it treats it citizens. She is preparing women to assume an important role that will continue to snowball as women seize future opportunities.
Personal Snapshot
Wu Qing is a role model for other Chinese women and for Chinese politicians. Her family background undoubtedly contributed to instilling the leadership qualities she demonstrates. Her mother was China’s most celebrated female author and her father brought the study of Sociology to China. Both were Chinese, but studied in the best US universities, returning to their country to serve its people. Wu Qing also played a seminal role in ensuring that Chinese women participated in the 1995 UN Conference on Women in Beijing.
http://www.schwabfound.org/schwabentrepreneurs.htm?schwabid=767&extended=yes
吴青：《宪法》不离身的人大代表
The Innovation
When one considers the challenges and constraints that Wu Qing has faced in carrying out her efforts, her work is indeed innovative and transformational. To accomplish her vision of rule of law and empowerment of women, Wu Qing has had to consistently think outside of the box — while being within the box. As a democratically elected People’s Deputy, she has worked tirelessly to fight for the rights of people in general, and women in particular, using as her tool the Chinese Constitution. She has helped set up a women’s hotline and co-founded the Rural Women magazine and its outreach projects. These have had a ripple effect upon Chinese society, as both initiatives build women’s entrepreneurial spirit from the grassroots.
Background
While Chinese society modernizes and globalizes, women’s roles and rights continue to be heavily dominated by tradition, especially in rural areas. To change China, the situation in rural areas must change, since China is primarily rural. As women comprise the majority of the inhabitants in those areas, changing their mindsets will substantially change the country. Wu Qing has been an adept advocate of women’s rights in China for decades. In 1988, she helped launch China’s first university course on feminism. She also helped set up the first hotline to help women confront problems of family, marriage, divorce, sexual harassment and domestic violence. Wu helped set up the “Rural Women Knowing All” magazine to raise awareness of the importance of encouraging women to develop their own potential and improve their health, knowledge of law, skills in different areas and productivity. Wu has been a legislator since 1984. She has been elected for five terms as the People’s Deputy to the Haidian District People’s Congress and four terms to the Beijing Municipal People’s Congress (the city Parliament). In those capacities, she has been highly entrepreneurial, working long hours to hear the concerns of her constituents and using the Constitution to supervise the authorities and pushing for rule of law and justice. Such an approach is unusual in China. For Wu Qing, the “rule of law must override the rule of men.” The first step is to train the public.
Strategy
The Practical Skills Training Centre for Rural Women is one of the projects organized under the magazine umbrella. The centre is a place where rural women and girls learn skills for economic and political independence. Since April 1999, over 2,600 women and girls have participated in the programmes of the centre. Wu focuses on grassroots training projects on citizenship, gender, micro-credit, health and legal and political participation. She believes that women are trainers of future generations—and the centre of the Chinese movement towards democracy. She also talks to university students about citizenship, gender and social responsibility. The greatest challenge to Wu Qing’s work with women is the lack of an official policy on NGOs in China. But she is optimistic now that China is a member of the WTO and has a new government. The eyes of the world are on China, and particularly, on how it treats it citizens. She is preparing women to assume an important role that will continue to snowball as women seize future opportunities.
Personal Snapshot
Wu Qing is a role model for other Chinese women and for Chinese politicians. Her family background undoubtedly contributed to instilling the leadership qualities she demonstrates. Her mother was China’s most celebrated female author and her father brought the study of Sociology to China. Both were Chinese, but studied in the best US universities, returning to their country to serve its people. Wu Qing also played a seminal role in ensuring that Chinese women participated in the 1995 UN Conference on Women in Beijing.
http://www.schwabfound.org/schwabentrepreneurs.htm?schwabid=767&extended=yes
http://www.chinainnovations.org/showNews.html?id=860
吴青，女，北京外国语大学教授，北京市人大代表，第一届、第二届、第三届“中国地方政府创新奖”全国选拔委员会委员。
不惟权只惟法
１９８４年３月５日，吴青当选海淀区人大代表。选民选她的理由是：正直、正气、敢言、无畏。当选后的吴青对党委书记表态：“我当了就要真当”、“这个差事对我不是荣誉是责任。”
人大 代表当选之日，冰心送女儿１９８２年版的《中华人民共和国宪法》。冰心曾是全国人大代表。吴青说她接过的不仅是一部宪法，更是父母那一代经历过“五四”运 动的知识分子追求民主科学的精神。自此，吴青随身携带三件宝：《中华人民共和国宪法》、《代表法》、代表证。自此，吴青字斟句酌学宪法。宪法第７６条：全 国人民代表大会代表应当同原选举单位和人民保持密切联系，听取和反映人民的意见和要求，努力为人民服务。该条使吴青每周二下午４时设人民代表接待日——倾 听民声、反映民意、沟通民心。她向选民公开家中电话，电话成了法律热线。
吴青 办实事的最经典例子，是用宪法搬走北外化粪池。１９８４年，海淀区四季青乡将化粪池建在外国语大学西院宿舍楼旁。教职工怨气冲天，与四季青乡交涉无果。待 怨声反映到吴青耳中，吴青遂对四季青乡负责人念宪法第５３条：中华人民共和国公民必须遵守社会公德。“把粪坑建在别人生活区旁就是不遵守社会公德。”吴青 手持宪法奔波在区农业、环保等部门间。最终，化粪池被搬走了。
最被人称道的实事，是吴青力争６年推动政府修了一条安全通道。北京外国语大学东、西院间是繁华的西三环路，车多人众，危险丛生。这条路先后夺走９条人命。吴青为修地下通道从１９８４年奔走到１９９０年。市政府最终出资１００多万元为人民铺就一条安全通道。
最大 胆之举，是２００１年北京市人代会上，吴青与４６名人大代表用宪法第５条“任何组织或个人都不得有超越宪法和法律的特权”、宪法第５３条“一切国家机关和 武装力量、各政党和各社会团体、各企业事业组织都必须遵守宪法和法律。一切违反宪法和法律的行为必须予以追究”质询北京市高级人民法院——领导批条子越权 干预海淀区法院执法。
开风 气之先的事例是１９８８年，吴青第一次参加北京市人代会。会上，她投了两个反对票，两个弃权票。她独立思考的右手改写了中国人政治生活中习惯的“一致通 过”。这天起，吴青成为“有争议”人物。她将种种非议告知母亲。母亲给女儿写了林则徐名言“苟利国家生死以，岂因祸福避趋之”。吴青将母亲墨迹挂在墙上， 记在心中。
吴青办实事的风格是，转信有关部门时一律在信中手书“请核实意见，依法处理”，然后监督落实，一追到底，直至解决。人称吴代表办事风格“死缠烂打”。选民称她“吴青天”，吴青不喜欢此称呼，她喜欢群众唤她“吴代表”。
具有出色的公共服务精神
吴青工作的重中之重是维护妇女儿童权益。她根据宪法第４８条：“中华人民共和国妇女在政治、经济、文化、社会和家庭生活等各方面享有同男子平等权利”，监督政府对这一弱势群体的保护力度。她还在“北京大学法学院妇女研究与服务中心”这一免费民间机构任顾问。
中国 文盲中，妇女占总数的３０％，她们不仅自身得不到发展，还影响子女发展。吴青在给各地妇联讲授“社会性别意识和公民意识”时强调“要改变中国就要改变农 村，要改变农村，就要改变农村妇女。教育农村男人是改变一个人，教育农妇是改变一家人甚至几代人。”她从相关机构得到１９９０年至１９９４年的统计——农 村妇女年平均自杀１７万人；轻生原因多为经济压力；自杀方式多为喝农药。吴青数赴农村做自杀干预课题。她建议出台限制农药出售的法规。“关键是”，她说： “给农家女提供受教育和发展的机会。”做了７年全球妇女基金会董事的她，逢出席国内国际会议，总是选择距离麦克风最近的位置落座。她不放过任何争取中国妇 女权益的机会，人称吴青“国际叫花子”。２００１年，吴青获得有“亚洲诺贝尔奖”之称的菲律宾拉蒙·麦格塞塞公众服务奖。授奖词为：具有出色的公共服务精 神。吴青将奖金５万美元用于农家女文化发展基金。
同情 心、愤怒是吴青在行使代表权利时最常涌现的感情。“按说老鼠过街，人人喊打，但现实是当直面丑恶时，一些人睁只眼闭只眼，说‘没办法’。”吴青说自己选择 “看见老鼠就喊打。明知说了也白说，白说也得说，一定要让自己的声音出去。”多年来，路见不平、敢于喊打的吴青承受着“发神经”、“太书生”的或极端或温 和的指责。
１９８７年，吴青胆囊被摘除。自此，人称大胆无畏的吴青“无胆英雄”。
如果 说法院是维护社会公正的最后屏障，法官则是最后屏障的守门人。社会公正赖于司法公正。一个不公正审判的恶果要数倍于破坏法律本身。吴青说来访群众述说的种 种错案，多是被素质不高、心术不正的执法人员的粗暴、草率和腐败造成。吴青意识到“法律纠纷不断的根本原因是政府不作为或滥作为”。“必须从源头抓起”， 她说：“否则，星期二这天永远有人喊冤。我的接待没有终点。”
每年 年末，吴青向选民汇报“我解决了哪些问题，哪些问题还没解决，阻力在哪儿。我要通过哪些努力使之解决”。出席会议时，熟人常开她玩笑“吴代表，吴宪法，今 天要用宪法第几条哇？”她认真作答“第５条”。她承认“第５条用得最多。”她每年深谢选民：“是你们给了我实现法制社会理想的机会。”一幅对联表达了选民 对吴代表的信任，“任劳任怨不计个人得失，群众心里有杆秤；尽心尽力从未怠于职守，愧煞自称公仆人。”北京外国语大学一选民评说吴青：“这人实实在在。坚 持这么多年，太不容易了。”他希望“更多一些像吴代表这样的代表。”
Wu Qing
Champion of people's rights
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Since 1984, Wu Qing has been a People's Deputy in the Beijing People's Congress. This means she votes with other Deputies on laws and policies put forward by the Beijing city government. Since becoming a People's Deputy, she has been unusual among her peers for holding weekly meetings, open to her constituents, in which they air their opinions, highlight local issues or ask for Wu's help in solving problems or cases of injustice against them.
Wu is an advocate of what the Chinese call "supervision" -- the idea that the public should closely watch the government in order to prevent abuse of power -- with the law as its tool.
"I believe in the rule of law. I believe in transparency. I believe in democracy. I believe in supervision," she told China from the Inside. "But none of these exist in our Chinese culture. It's always been authoritarian. It's like in a family, [all it takes is to say] 'I'm your father!' and no one else dares say a word."
She attempts to hold the government to the many promises made in the statute books and in the constitution -- promises that are often broken in a country where many people feel power and money are all that count. The law actually specifies many rights that in practice many people do not exercise. Whereas many Deputies are seen as simply going along with whatever the Party and government says, Wu has a reputation for listening to her constituents and voicing their concerns to the people in charge, even if they go against the grain, because the law allows her to do this.
Wu has been a trailblazer in another way: In 1988, she was one of the first people to cast a "no" vote at a People's Congress. At the time, a dissenting vote was a rare expression of public disapproval of Party policy. Nowadays, dissenting votes are often cast, though in the National People's Congress, China's parliament, Party policy has yet to be overturned.
Wu's maverick approach has made her unpopular with some government officials, but a star among her constituents. In 1989, the Communist Party branch at the Beijing Foreign Language College where she taught declared that Wu Qing would not be allowed to stand for re-election to the People's Congress. However, voters insisted on nominating her, citing a rule that anyone who received ten nominations would be allowed to stand as a candidate, and Wu went on to receive 70 percent of the vote.
"People often ask me 'Wu Qing, aren't you afraid? How can you be so confident?,'" she said. "I tell them I have two secrets. One is the support of the people. The other is the constitution."
The constitution is so important to Wu that she carries a copy at all times and even knows large sections of it, which she quotes. She encourages ordinary people to be just as familiar with the law and their rights. "A new clause has been added to the constitution recently, saying that the government should respect and protect basic human rights," she said. "However, if someone doesn't know what his basic rights are, how can he ask for them from the government?"
Apart from her work as a People's Deputy, Wu is also well known for promoting women's rights in China, particularly in rural areas. "China is still a Third World country," she said. "To change China, you've got to change the countryside. To do that, you've got to change the status of the women there. If you educate a woman, it's like educating a whole family, even several generations of the family. If you educate a man, you are only educating one person."
Wu heads the school for young rural women run by Xie Lihua's Rural Woman magazine and runs projects encouraging women to stand as candidates in village elections.
Wu's dedication has won her international recognition. In 2001 she won "Asia's Nobel Prize," the Ramon Magsaysay Award for Public Service. She was the first Chinese woman to do so.
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