Jun 26, 2008

Meng Zhao Translating: Everyone A Changemaker – Social Entrepreneurship’s Ultimate Goal by Bill Drayton

人人皆是变革者 – 改造年轻一代(一)

有超过400名的Ashoka社会企业家正致力于帮助儿童和青年人有效地学习,进而取得成功。每一名社会企业家的战略都被证明影响广泛,并已初见成 效。49%到60%的Ashoka社会企业家,在其事业初创的五年内成功地促成了本国政策的转变。然而,她/他们的工作都是围绕单一的愿景或原则来展开, 采取单一的服务机制,以及针对一两类客户群体。Ashoka的“拼图”战略能够将这些强有力的社会企业元素整合起来,提炼出普适的原则,对这些原则进行专 业的营销与宣传,从而扩展各个领域决策者(比如那些主持学校和青年人项目的社会领袖)的战略视野。“拼图”战略能够提升社区整体的企业家素养和能力,从而 产生较之单个社会企业家更为深远的影响。

在这400多名从事青年项目的社会企业家中,大约有三分之二已经取得了三点共识或原则。她/他们 需要高素质的人才来实现其愿景,却难以找到足够的师资,于是诉诸于所服务的年轻人来解决自身人力资源短缺问题。第一项原则是:年轻一代是一个庞大的、最为 重要的、也可能是唯一可用的人力资源库。第二项原则是一个不同于传统的假设——即相信年轻人能够胜任社会变革工作。第三项原则在于:必须对年轻人所在的社 区进行改造,对年轻人进行培训和激励,以帮助她/他们胜任对社会变革的发动和组织工作。社会企业家们以成百上千种方式运用这三点原则,在世界各地创造出了 惊人的成就:富有创业热忱的学生、更加出色的学业成就、以及投身于社会变革之中的年轻群体。走近这些学校改革和青年人项目的人都会受到感染。

Ashoka 认识到还有另一个重要的原则:即那些不懂得使用移情(Applied Empathy)技能来指导自身行为的个人或群体终将被社会边缘化——一种残酷而且对个人成长具有破坏力的状态。然而这却是世界上30%的人所处的境遇。 帮助青年人掌握包括移情在内的社会技能可谓意义重大。解决这个问题的最佳策略之一是鼓励年轻人组建自己的团队来提供创新的服务,并最终导致可见的变革。这 要求她/他们必须掌握以移情技能为基础的团队工作技能。Ashoka从1990年开始将“拼图”战略应用于青年人项目。然而直到不久前Ashoka才认识 到:除非使年轻人成为社会上一支有力量的群体,除非使她/他们具备移情技能、团队技能和领导技能,否则“人人皆是变革者”的最终目标就不可能实现。可以 说,上述原则的重要性在于它们将有助于启动一个以年轻人为核心的历史性社会转变。

如果年轻人群体的力量不能切实增加,如果该群体不能投身 于推动社会变革并且实践上述三种技能,那么当其步入成年,她/他们的字典里将不会有社会创新与变革的词汇。一个人必须在人生头三年里发展出健全的情绪基 础,否则会苦恼终生。同样地,一个人需要在青年时期掌握和实践上述社会技能,并且学会如何成为社会中的强者。就移情技能而言,青年人必须能够了解自己的每 一件行为将如何影响他人,以及影响较远的未来,并且据此来调整自身的行为。这种技能是一个人融入现代社会的基本通行证。在复杂的现代社会中,一个人若想成 为合格甚至优秀的社会成员,她/他不能再仅仅依靠机械的处世规则行事,因为这些规则正愈发变得彼此冲突、变化无常或者模糊不清。结果是那些无法恰当运用复 杂社会技能的人将被社会排斥。移情技能仅仅是通往修炼团队和领导技能的第一步。就像学习芭蕾舞一样,需要对这些社会技能进行反复而广泛的实战演练。

赵 萌译自: “Everyone A Changemaker – Social Entrepreneurship’s Ultimate Goal”, By Bill Drayton (Chair and CEO, Achoka), in Innovations (2006, Winter), Published by MIT Press with Harvard University and George Mason University.

Jun 23, 2008

Young and Restless China

CHINA 2024 brings together 114 of the best and brightest Chinese MBA graduates from the top business schools in the United States and China. These emerging leaders will have unprecedented opportunities and challenges. They represent a critical generation. For the next 20 years, we will closely watch their progress and development.

The PBS FRONTLINE documentary, "Young and Restless in China" explores what it means to be coming of age in China today. Starting in 2004, the film tracks four ambitious MBA graduates who are 2024 members as well as a media savvy hip hop artist, two migrant workers living precariously on society’s edge, a dedicated medical resident and a courageous environmental activist.

What happens along the way is surprising: some of those featured in the film find themselves torn between traditional culture and tantalizing new opportunities; several begin the heady ride to wealth and power. Some find love and resolve family conflicts, and others seem likely to crash and burn along the way.

As we watch these young people work, hang out with family and friends, sing karaoke or launch their first business, we come to know them in a rare, intimate way. In unusual detail, YOUNG & RESTLESS IN CHINA captures the highs and lows of coming of age in this time of China’s extreme transition and change.

The documentary will air nationally on PBS in June 2008. Visit the PBS website for the documentary at www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/youngchina.



Jun 19, 2008

Wang Canfa: One of the 45 Hoers of Environment by TIME in Oct 2007

By AUSTIN RAMZY

Since China passed its first environmental-protection law in 1979, it has produced an extensive body of regulations to protect its air and water and the health of its people. But even as the law books expand, the country's pollution worsens. To many local officials, for whom developing the economy is the first priority, those rules might as well not exist. "From a traditional perspective, China isn't completely a nation of laws," says Wang Canfa, director of the Beijing-based Center for Legal Assistance to Pollution Victims. "So when it comes to environmental protection [laws]," some local officials wonder: "What kind of law is this?"

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For the past eight years, Wang's group has used the courts to teach wayward officials and unscrupulous businessmen just what environmental law is. The center's volunteer attorneys file lawsuits to help people whose lives and livelihoods have been damaged by the toxic byproducts of China's breakneck expansion. Since starting in early 1999, the center has logged more than 10,000 calls and pursued over 100 cases, some with as many as 1,700 plaintiffs. Though the center loses about as many cases as it wins, it has managed to pull off some noteworthy victories. Its attorneys blocked an animal-testing lab from opening in a Beijing residential neighborhood, succeeded in getting a Hebei steel factory accused of pollution to move, and won a $730,000 ruling against a paper mill and chemical plant in Shandong province, after illegal discharges led to massive kills at fish farms.

Wang, a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law, runs the center out of a dark, cramped apartment building on campus. "Doing this work isn't easy," he says. "I'm not even 50 years old yet, and people look at me and say, 'You're pushing 60, right?'" He says his biggest frustrations come when local officials attempt to interfere in the judicial process to protect local industries. Anger over unchecked environmental destruction is one of the main sources of rural unrest in China. But even when his clients see justice denied in the courts, Wang urges them to avoid violent protest and continue seeking resolution through the law. "If you use force to solve the problem, the result will only be temporary. Look at Chinese history; there have been so many peasant revolts. They overthrow one emperor, then become just like the old emperor," he says. "When we lose a case, we don't go protest. We appeal and counterappeal. We think of another way, through the law, to win." It's a tortuous process. But when it works, a country that's struggling to make its laws mean the same thing in practice as on paper wins



Profile: Wang Canfa received his B.A. degree from Jilin University in 1982, received his Masters degree from Peking University in 1988, and is currently the head of the Environmental and Resources Law Research Center at China University of Political Science and Law.

During his 17 years researching and teaching environmental law, Wang has written "Environmental Law Textbook" and other works. On average, he publishes over 400,000 words a year and is a leader in one of the top ten disciplines at China University of Political Science and Law. His suggestion of defendants bearing the burden of proof in environmental law cases has already been added to the law. In order to help those victims of environmental issues, he's also suggested the "environmentally justified defense" theory.

Wang is a professor who "uses his actions to interpret the law." Since1994, he has managed the "Lawyers Mailbox" for China Environmental News, answering questions related to environmental law. In 1996, he was the first person to begin providing legal assistance to victims of pollution in China and founded the first NGO, Center for Legal Assistance to Pollution Victims in China, which provides pollution victims with legal aid. In 1999, he started the first NGO that provided pollution victims with a free legal aid hot-line, and was named "Number One Legal Aid Provider of Chinese Environmental Law," "Professor of Rights Protection," and "Number One Advocate for Pollution Victims." More than 30,000 people have benefited from his services.

Starting in 2001, in order to promote the legal world's awareness of environmental protection, Wang worked with the National Lawyers Association, National Judges College, and other organizations to run research courses and train environmental lawyers and judges. As of now, 300 lawyers and 200 judges have been trained, and a national environmental lawyers network has been formed.

In the past ten or so years, Wang has been one of the most active scholars in drafting legislation on China's environment and resources. Of the 20 or so laws and regulations on the environment and natural resources, he has been involved in over half of them.

Currently, only 10% of environmental law provisos have been enforced. In order to change environmental laws' image of not being true laws, Wang has begun advocating for the creation of a public litigation system for environmental litigation.

As a result of Wang's outstanding contributions to environmental protection, the State Environmental Protection Administration selected him as one of "China's Green Persons" in 2005. Time Magazine also selected him as one of the world’s 50 "Heroes of the Environment."

Note: This article is sourced from articles written by Shang Jiecheng, Chen Yuanyuan, and Wang Qi, and others.

著名环境法专家。参与国家多项与环境有关的法律起草工作。创立了全国第一个民间的向污染受害者提供法律援助的机构——污染受害者法律帮助中心,开通全国第一个民间的向污染受害者提供免费法律咨询的热线电话。

  1998年创立了全国第一个民间的向污染受害者提供法律援助的机构——污染受害者法律帮助中心,并开通了全国第一个民间的向污染受害者提供免费法律咨询的热线电话;

  从2001年起,连续5年在全国培训了269名律师和170名法官,建立了全国的环境律师网络;

全球环保英雄王灿发:为环境污染受害者代言
王灿发

全球环保英雄王灿发:为环境污染受害者代言
屏南污染受害者在福建省高级法院门外

   10 月,中国政法大学教授王灿发被美国《时代》杂志评选为全球“环保英雄”,与他一起入选的还有美国前副总统戈尔和俄罗斯前总统戈尔巴乔夫。作为“中国环保法 律援助第一人”,8年来,王灿发坚持为地球说话,为环保受害者说话。他告诉《外滩画报》,他一生的偶像是马丁•路德•金,因为“他用一种非暴力的方式寻求 和平与平等”。

  文/ 李琴 图/ 于楚众

  10月22日,49岁的中国政法大学教授王灿发去给研究生上课,到教室后,20多位学生突然全体起立以示敬意。几天后,教育部到学校进行教学评 估,没有任何行政职务的王灿发作陪,校领导第一个就把他推了出来说,“王老师刚得了个国际大奖”。“全球环保英雄”,众老师笑呵呵地随声附和。

  10月底《时代》杂志评选出全球45位“环保英雄”,大人物戈尔、戈尔巴乔夫等位列其中,王灿发看上去是个陌生的“小人物”。

  《时代》总结了王灿发的成就:创立污染受害者法律援助中心,连续8年向污染受害者提供免费法律咨询,帮助100多起环境污染案件的受害者向法院提起诉讼,并推动中国环境法治的健全与完善。

  其实王灿发在国内的名气不小,头衔也很多,比如“中国环保法律援助第一人”、“环境维权民间法律援助第一人”等。2001年,他获得“福特汽车 环保奖”一等奖;2005年,他再度当选国家环保总局首次评选的“绿色中国年度人物”。王灿发个子矮小,他也毫不讳言这一“缺陷”,在一次论坛上,他自我 调侃说:“我的身材比较环保,所以这个桌子容易挡住我。”个子虽小,精力却是惊人,王灿发自己也说,“一个人干了4个人的活,要带本科生、研究生和博士 生,每天都只有5、6个小时的时间睡觉,一直在超负荷工作。”王灿发去年考了驾照,买了一辆白色小车,每天来回跑,“这样省不少时间。”

  “我知道我做对了”

  成立于1999年的污染受害者法律援助中心,在中国政法大学一幢有些破败的红色小楼一楼,小楼又称“文化楼”,在校的学生多数不太熟悉其位置所 在。援助中心很小,二室一厅的格局,摆着几张办公桌,打印机挤在卫生间里,墙上贴着值班表,电话就搁在下面,号码是010-62267459,这是全国第 一个向污染受害者提供免费法律咨询的热线电话。只要接受采访,王灿发都要求将这个号码刊登出来,“每次采访见报,前来咨询的电话就多起来。”

  王灿发提供援助有三个原则,重大的、典型的和当事人非常贫穷的。他承认,很难做到遍施甘霖,钱就那么多。他做了一个粗略的统计,“8年一共接到 1万多个投诉,迄今已经处理了104起案件。”时隔8年,这个第一家污染受害者法律援助中心仍然是中国唯一的“专打环境污染案件”机构。曾经有人问王灿 发,能否在中国复制另一个援助中心。有人在河北做过类似的尝试,但一年之后就难以为继了。“做这样的组织需要一个精通理论和实践的人,有人理论比我精通, 但他们案子做得少,我的优势在于,既带课,又接案子。”王灿发在《中国环境报》做过多年的“律师信箱”,解答过各种读者来信,“什么样的案子我都碰到 过。”另外一个优势是,中心有一个庞大的志愿者团队,日常有40多人轮流值班,一般是在校研究生,不拿任何报酬。

  王灿发是山东成武人,父母是农民,他高中毕业后曾回乡务农。王灿发从不讳言自己的农民出身,“我只能凭自己的努力走到今天。”正因如此,他自称不会过于在乎金钱,“我有同学当律师,去年一年就挣了700万。但对我,钱够用就好。”

  1984年,王灿发成为厦门大学的第一位环境法教师。次年,他考入北大环境科学中心攻读研究生,毕业后转入中国政法大学教授《环境法》。

  1995年,王灿发在《中国环境报》上看到了一起案子,江苏邳州一个养鸭大王的4000只鸭子10天之内就死光了,靠此为生的农民由一个富户转 眼之间就变成了一个穷光蛋,住在窝棚里,贷款没法还,求救无门。王灿发给这家人写信,说愿意为他们打官司。穷农民请来了“中央的大律师”,这在当地引起轰 动。案子最终胜诉,受害者得到了赔款40万元。

  王灿发自此就动了念头,成立一个援助中心,之后几年,就是找赞助,到处游说。1999 年11 月1 日,免费法律咨询热线开通。前一天,他在《北京晚报》上发了一条不足100 字的短消息。“这一天我们接到了50 多个求助电话,有的人还抱怨我们老是占线,这时我知道我做对了。”

  2001 年,王灿发再接再厉,开办环境法律实务研习班,培训全国的律师和法官,每年100 人,今年还多了环保局执法人员。把他们请到北京,让各大学、高法和环保总局的专家给他们讲课,并管吃管住。只让他们承诺:律师,每年至少办一件环保案子 (在当地有环保案的前提下);法官:公正执法;至于邀请环保执法人员,王灿发的解释是,“我们迫切希望环保执法人员能够依法治污,很多污染损害都是从没有 严格执法开始的。”

  “很多人听到免费培训,以为是骗子,不愿意来。还有江西律师发帖说,不能去,是骗局。”

  王灿发的环境官司

  王灿发走在漩涡中心。

  10 月30 日给研习班讲课,王灿发滔滔不绝连续讲了4 个小时,通篇只说了一个字:难。他在谈到环境纠纷的第一个特点时,就指出了环境官司难打的实质所在:环境纠纷的加害人往往是能够给当地创造税收和就业机会 的污染企业“。既然这个企业能够给当地带来税收,就会受到当地的政府部门或暗或明的保护。”王灿发总结经验:“起诉难,法院不愿意受理;取证难,官司打到 最后,法官还是要求原告取证;判决难,中心接到的案子,都是那些按法律、法理必胜的案子,实际胜诉还不到50%;执行难,案子判了,钱拿不到。”

  参加研习班的律师几十位,记者一个个问过去,回答千篇一律, “没有接触过环境官司。”河北冀信律师事务所的马延军通过网络报名参加了这一期的研讨班,他接过不少官司,惟独没有环境官司。“不好打也没人愿意打,时间 长,而且很难有结果,委托的人也少,许多受害者都处于观望状态,四处上访也不愿打官司。这种官司往往涉及到与政府的博弈,这就需要律师有奉献精神。”王灿 发接手的所有的案子都在证明一个“难”字。

  在GOOGLE 上键入“石梁河”,出现的答案多是“石梁河水库污染案”。这个江苏和山东两省交界处的人工湖一向默默无闻,但因为一起王灿发介入的污染案持续多年成为媒体 关注的焦点。1999 年7 月9 日,因水库上游涌入大量工业污水,致使水库上游300多只网箱内所养的鱼全部死亡,惨剧在同年9 月和次年6 月再度发生。逆流而上,江苏一养殖户发现污染源在山东临沭县境内的一家造纸厂和一家化工厂。此后,他们到处投诉上访,2001 年3 月,出席全国人大九届四次会议的江苏省32 位人大代表就此问题联名提案,悬而未决。事隔多年,王灿发对这起97个养殖户联名起诉案仍然印象深刻。养殖户到了北京,他很快决定接受这起案子, “这个案子非常有典型性。”案子没有任何悬念,判得很快,当年12 月,连云港市中级人民法院一审判决两家污染厂停止损害,赔偿养殖户经济损失560多万元。被告再度上诉,次年,江苏省高院维持原判。

  情况却急转直下。过了两年,一切如旧,赔偿款一分未到。尤令王灿发惊奇的是,当山东省铁路法院接受养殖户的申请对被告进行强制执行时,发现被告 所在市、县两级法院竟于一天之内对两个企业下达了7份调解书,将企业的财产转移,导致无钱可以执行。至今回想此事,王灿发仍愤愤不平,后来他出面以中心的 名义上书最高人民法院,题目是《关于地方法院制造虚假文书的反映》:“法院竟然帮助被执行人转移财产逃避生效判决确定的债务,使这些正义的人间化身彻底背 叛自己的角色和使命⋯⋯”

  事情在媒体上炒得沸沸扬扬,在最高人民法院执行局的一位副局长的督办下, “赔偿款最终全部执行到位,没有任何截留。”

  另外一件也是大案子:福建省南屏县1721 人诉榕屏化工厂案,此案被中华全国律师协会评为2005 年十大影响性诉讼之一。《南方周末》报道此事的标题为:《1643 名村民VS 亚洲最大氯酸盐化工厂》。这也是一个环境损害的典型案例,化工厂一方财大气粗,受害者一方人数众多,这个以种植毛竹的小村庄在1990 年至1994 年间,只有1人患癌症死亡,1999 年至2001 年的两年,17人死于癌症,成为轰动一时的“癌症村”。当时《新闻联播》记者前去采访,县领导多方搪塞,播出那天,全县强制停电。

  案子打得艰难,拖了多年,直到2005 年5月村民们得到了一审判决:他们原本要求判赔1033 万余元,法院却只判赔24 万余元。村民再度上诉。12 月上旬,期待了多年的村民拿到了二审生效的判决书,一审判赔的24 万余元在二审仅变更为判赔68 万多元。王灿发耿耿于怀的是,这笔钱至今未能到位。王灿发总向人推荐一部好莱坞影片《永不妥协》,大嘴茱利亚•罗伯茨因此片获得奥斯卡影后,片中讲的也是 环境污染纠纷的真实案例,一个没受过高等教育的小律师打赢了3 亿美元赔偿的官司,创造了美国历史上同类民事案件的赔偿金额之最。他又说, “在中国这样的事情不会发生,赔偿难,金额小。”王灿发是狮子座,他说自己外表开朗,但心事重重。他最得意的案子是潘家园南里居民状告北京市规划委,当时 是“非典”时期,北京市规划委批准卫生部的两个研究所在潘家园南里建动物实验室,作为饲养和解剖动物的场所,居民担心做动物实验时,细菌跑出来造成疾病传 播,便找到王灿发,提起诉讼,并最终胜诉。“这是北京市第一个老百姓告规划委并最终胜诉的案例。”他有些得意。

  “我希望你们都能当法学院院长”

  中国一年究竟有多少环境纠纷?王灿发给出的是国务院环境保护行政主管部门每年一度的环境统计公报的数据,仅反映到环保部门的环境纠纷,1999年就达到25万件,2000年甚至超过30万件,2001年则超过了40万件。

  王灿发画了一条环境纠纷年度曲线,从1993年以来,曲线处于上升趋势,幅度越来越大,但相关的政策却没有发展。他也参与立法,曾主持和参与 《固体废弃物污染防治法及细则》、《大气污染防治法》、《海洋环境保护法》、《放射性污染防治法》等重大环境法律、法规起草及修改等工作。但这些法律、法 规里都没有涉及环境纠纷的内容,即使有,也是只言片语。目前法院接手的环境案件很少,老百姓更愿意上访而不是起诉,立法部门也就没有动力来制定相关法律 了。

  每年春节,人大法工委都会邀请北京有影响的法学专家前去座谈,之前一直没有找《环境法》的专家。2005年,王灿发作为唯一的环境法专家参与座 谈,按资排辈发言,但最终也没有轮上他。王灿发说,“《环境法》在学界还缺少话语权。”每次讲课,他总开玩笑,“希望所有搞《环境法》的都能当法学院院 长,这样影响就大了。”

  好消息是情况越来越好,同事侯佳儒之前学的是《国际法》,后来转学《环境法》,“在未来10 年,这会是一个热点。”侯佳儒说,学校正在计划将《环境法》研究单独拿出来,由王灿发挂帅,做大做强。“《民法》、《刑法》等和国外力量相差悬殊,而《环 境法》历史不过几十年,大家起步差不多,还有竞争的可能性。”对于《时代》杂志评选出的“环保英雄”头衔,王灿发也说,“从某一方面来看,至少代表着国际 社会对中国环境保护工作进步、中国环境法治进步的认可。”

  《时代》杂志将评选出的45 位“环保英雄”称之为“地球代言人”。开篇语写道:地球虽然是大家的,但它不会说话。地球不会为自己说话,因此必须有人为它说话。

  王灿发援助的对象是处于环境纠纷中的弱者。他喜欢说的一个词是“制度”,研习班的讲课临近结束,他讲了个例子,太原市人民检察院旁边是个制药 厂,一直受到废气污染,但努力十多年情况依旧。“谁都是弱者,真正好的制度就是保护弱者的权益,要建立起这样一种制度,即保证任何人的权益不受非法侵 害。”

  王灿发的学生写博客称其是偶像。记者追问王灿发谁是他的偶像,他思虑许久,回答是马丁•路德•金, “他用一种非暴力的方式寻求和平与平等。”

(http://www.sina.com.cn 2007年11月27日15:21 外滩画报)

Dai Qing: Journalist-turned-environmentalist


Dai Qing

Dai Qing is a journalist-turned-environmental activist, whose family was part of the Chinese revolutionary "aristocracy." After her father was killed in battle with the Japanese in 1944, just three years after Dai's birth, she was adopted by Ye Jianying, one of the top generals in the People's Liberation Army. Ye also served as Defense Minister and was one of the most powerful men in China until his death in 1986.

Between 1982 and 1989, Dai reported and wrote for the national newspaper Guangming Daily. She became well known inside and outside China for her opposition to the flagship Three Gorges Dam project, and for publishing, in the late eighties, a compilation of essays critical of the dam by scientists, engineers and activists. The book, titled Yangtze, Yangtze was quickly banned.

In 1990 Dai was imprisoned for her role in the 1989 student protests in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. However, as Dai was one of a group of academics who advised the students to leave the square and return to their campuses, it seems possible that her incarceration may have been in revenge for her outspoken criticism of the dam. She was released after a year.

Dai's opposition to the Three Gorges Dam project is largely political rather than technical. There are many who worry about the practicalities of relocating over a million people, or about silt building up behind the dam and preventing it from generating electricity, or about polluted water gathering in the dam's huge reservoir, but Dai is perhaps more concerned that the people in government and industry responsible for implementing such megaprojects as the Three Gorges Dam and the South-North Water Diversion are not accountable to the public.

It's true that there is enormous potential for unscrupulous officials to make money when awarding contracts, as companies provide them with a "commission" for choosing their products." According to Chinese press reports, just between 2004 and 2005, nearly 300,000 Party members were punished for corruption, including Party secretaries and nearly 500 judges.

This sort of wheeling and dealing means that substandard products are often chosen over more suitable or safer counterparts. In an interview with China from the Inside, Dai cited the example of a faulty crane which broke down on a construction site, killing four people. "It was bought as a brand new crane, but in fact it was an old one which had been written off," she said.

Dai also said that compensation payments for the million-plus families who had to relocate to make way for the dam were first given to local governments to distribute rather than directly to the people. "This gave them a good opportunity for embezzlement," Dai says, "and we were not allowed to supervise or investigate. The officials in charge of relocation stole the money."

As a self-described "pessimist activist," Dai does what she can to make things better and to model environmentally correct behavior, like buying a piece of land near Beijing's Yongding River and allowing trees to grow there to prevent soil erosion, but she thinks that a countrywide environmental shift will be hard-won if possible at all. "I think China needs to change. It needs to change slowly. The change must start from people's heads and their behavior. This way the country, its environment and resources, will change too. But I don't think we have enough time," she said.

It has been said that as long as there are people like her in China, there is always hope for the future. But given the hardships Dai has faced, including prison and the censorship of her work, why does Dai continue to be so outspoken?

Her answer lies in her definition of happiness: "What is happiness for you? Coming from my family background, it wouldn't have been difficult for me to be a corrupt official now. Nor would it be difficult to have kept my position at the paper, to have been promoted and go work for the Central Ministry of Propaganda. But I wouldn't have been happy. Happiness comes from being an independent character and a free spirit. This is what I've chosen."

Dai has been awarded a Nieman Fellowship from Harvard University (1991), an International PEN Award for Freedom (1992), and a Goldman Environmental Prize (1993).

Hou Wenzhuo: Human rights activist


Hou Wenzhuo

Hou Wenzhuo runs the Empowerment and Rights Institute (EARI), a human rights organization based in Beijing. She has worked for the UN in China on programs designed to help women and disabled children, and has studied human rights and refugee studies at Harvard and Oxford. She has a history of activism: in 1989 she was detained for three months after leading student protests at Sichuan University.

With EARI, Hou works to give legal aid and advice to disadvantaged groups in Chinese society, particularly to people from rural areas who are most often the victims of injustice. For example, some victims of violence or traffic accidents may be unable to receive compensation because the culprits have bribed the court.

As China's economy continues to develop and become more industrial, land seizure is becoming an increasingly common problem that falls within EARI's purview. In land seizure cases, farmers are forced by local government to give up their land for construction but often receive insufficient payment. But farmers who depend on their land for survival will often not give it up without a fight, and not just with an EARI volunteer at their sides. Cases of unrest and violent confrontations between farmers and developers have become more and more widespread, such as the case in Shengyou, Hebei province, where a farmer managed to film hired thugs violently trying to drive farmers off their land.

Hou feels the political and judicial system, which offers no guarantee of a just outcome, is to blame: "The current problem in the Chinese villages is that there is neither rule of law nor democracy. So such clashes are absolutely inevitable."

Clashes between Hou and local authorities -- unhappy with any outside organization or "troublemakers" advocating legal rights -- has thus far been inevitable as well. Hou was once arrested while advising victims of land requisitioning in Guangdong, China's wealthiest province. She remembers the police who interrogated her and warned her that she would be held personally responsible for any riots or disturbances in the area. Other members of EARI have also suffered. In December 2005, one EARI member was viciously attacked by an unidentified group of men while traveling in western China. He believes the attack was retribution for his human rights activities. Hou says that the authorities' use of criminal gangs to intimidate activists is a new trend. Now that local governments have to appear to obey the law, they use untraceable gangs to do their dirty work, whereas in the past they may have used the police.

One might call Hou's all-inclusive approach to human rights populist -- at least in China.

"I want to know people from the grassroots," she said. "I want to know what kind of problems they have. Why do I care about those people? Because traditional human rights ignores that group of people. Traditional human rights normally concerns the rights of intellectuals or of political activists. I'm not saying those rights aren't important. They are. However, they've turned human rights into something from the ivory tower, while the ordinary people don't know what their relationship is with human rights."

Hou maintains that she has not done anything illegal, even though she's been persecuted as if she had. "Our approach is not to go against the state, nor to go against the government. We want to protect the rights of citizens and demand that the government fulfill its promises. To do what's written in its constitution. If it promises to do so, the Chinese government should protect the rights of the peasants. If it says that it represents the people, then it should represent the people. We want the government's actions to be consistent with its words."

Jun 17, 2008

Innovating Corperate Giving in China

October 30, 2006 McKinsey & Company, along with several leading multinational corporations and professional services firms in China, has joined hands with two of China's most prominent governmental nonprofit organizations to launch an innovative venture philanthropy foundation, Non-Profit Partners (NPP).

At a press conference in Beijing, the China country heads of McKinsey, Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu, Ogilvy & Mather, Novartis, Jun He Law Offices, and Motorola, joined the leaders of the China Youth Development Foundation and the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation, where they discussed the mission and objectives of the NPP.

NPP's mission is to promote the development of China's non-profit sector by bringing together the resources of major multinational and domestic companies and international and domestic non-profit foundations, to provide support to non-profit organizations in China in three primary areas: 1) providing professional services on a pro bono basis in the areas of management, finance, accounting, law, and marketing; 2) multi-year financial support dedicated to capability-building based on the grantee's performance; and 3) fund-raising assistance.

In addition to pro bono professional support of selected non-profit organizations in China, Founding board members cover all operating expenses of the foundation. 100 percent of all other donations not needed to cover expenses are given to the nonprofits that NPP is supporting.

According to NPP Managing Director and Senior Advisor to McKinsey, Mark Yu-Ting Chen, "while limited financial resources remains a major issue facing China's non-profit organizations, they also lack the basic management skills they need to succeed. In addition to providing financial support, the corporate sector in China can play an even greater role in helping non-profits by donating their professional expertise in critical areas such as project planning management, accounting, and fund-raising."

According to Chen, "this innovative approach gives the corporate sector an opportunity to have a significant and tangible impact on China's non-profits, in addition to writing a check. At the same time, it will upgrade the overall quality of the sector by instilling accountability among grantees, giving corporate donors a greater measure of control over how their resources are actually used."

NPP hopes to see 20 to 25 non-profit organizations in China become the standard-bearers for the sector: "Through these organizations, we expect to see an overall lifting of the standards and reputation of China's non-profit sector in the eyes of the general public, as well as the corporate sector, over the next five years."

Developing China's Nonprofit Sector

By Mark Yu-Ting Chen, Lincoln J. Pan, and Hai Wu
McKinsey Quarterly, August 2006

Like most segments of China's economy, the nonprofit sector has grown at a heady pace over the past few years, expanding from roughly 6,000 registered groups in 1999 to about 150,000 in 2005. (1) While this growth is remarkable, weak management skills and a lack of resources are making it hard for nonprofits to meet the rising demand for their services. Multinational corporations in China can help by targeting their donations to improve the organizational performance of nonprofits and by offering training and expert counseling. At the same time, China's nonprofits must create an infrastructure to strengthen the sector, in part by channeling corporate aid more effectively.

Nonprofit organizations were almost nonexistent in China before the onset of economic reforms, in the 1980s. As the sector grew, corporate philanthropy focused on funding primary education, programs to alleviate poverty (such as microfinancing for farmers), and health initiatives. These efforts helped nonprofits to acquire physical assets, such as school buildings and clinics, but programs and physical assets alone are not enough to support a nonprofit's long-term development. To achieve the most impact, corporate philanthropy must combine more flexible financial support with a hands-on effort to teach nonprofits the skills critical to running organizations effectively.

Beyond giving corporations more control over how their contributions are used, this new approach would help them demonstrate a greater commitment to improving China's social welfare, make them more attractive to potential recruits, and perhaps strengthen their relations with the government. It would also allow them to become more knowledgeable about social issues, such as the environment, that are likely to influence business decisions in China over the coming years.

To date, corporations have made little progress in understanding China's nonprofit sector, despite their interest in establishing a philanthropic track record. To help determine the causes for this problem we examined more than 100 nonprofit organizations in China and undertook an in-depth analysis of more than 40 of them. We talked to hundreds of stakeholders, including donors and nonprofit leaders, as well as current and former government officials.

The evolution of China's nonprofit sector

These nonprofits couldn't cope with the variety of new social issues resulting from China's rapid economic growth, however. The cost of medical care and higher education, for instance, has risen beyond what many Chinese citizens can afford. In addition, issues such as HIV/AIDS, rural unemployment, and pollution are putting even more strain on existing public services.

These concerns led to the emergence of a second wave of nonprofits, including a growing number of independent grassroots organizations. Few of these groups are more than five years old and most have only one full-time employee. Nevertheless, they play an increasingly significant role in Chinese society.

Initially, many grassroots groups came under heavy scrutiny from the government, which feared that they could be politically destabilizing. While the government continues to monitor some groups - particularly those with religious and political leanings - it offers support to an increasing number of nonprofits.

In late 2004, for example, the Ministry of Civil Affairs announced a new framework to recognize the foundations that finance charity in China and to offer them a variety of tax deductions, including exemption from stamp duty. Legislation institutionalizing the framework is currently under review. Officials have also initiated discussions on a comprehensive philanthropy law that would create a certification process for nonprofit organizations and provide tax deductions for individual and corporate donors.

Today the main obstacle to the nonprofits' development is neither government scrutiny nor the level of demand. Rather, nonprofits in China face unique challenges arising from the sector's immaturity and from a development path that has neglected social issues and grassroots organizations because it's guided largely by the government. The most pressing challenges - a weak funding base and a lack of resources to support critical training and counsel - are both exacerbated by the unprecedented growth in demand for nonprofit services.

Hurdles for nonprofit development

Chinese nonprofits face funding shortfalls and a skewed distribution of resources. In 2005, charitable contributions in China, including funds given to the government for disaster relief, totaled some 0.05 percent of the nation's GDP, compared with 0.09 percent in India, 0.84 in the United Kingdom, and nearly 2 percent in the United States. Very little overall contributions come from domestic sources: we estimate that international organizations and corporations account for 80 percent of all donations to Chinese charities. (4) (That figure is just 0.5 percent in the United States.) Donations from domestic companies are particularly low: a sampling of the leading ones indicates that, on average, they contribute less than 0.3 percent of their posttax income to charity, compared with more than 2 percent for most Fortune 500 corporations.

Domestic giving is likely to increase as the country's affluent class matures and charitable organizations become more established. In the meantime, the dearth of funding makes life particularly difficult for grassroots organizations. Government-affiliated nonprofits absorb 85 percent of all available resources, leaving little for the burgeoning number of smaller groups. In addition, most charitable giving in China flows through large nonprofits and government-organized NGOs based in Beijing and Shanghai - areas where nonprofits cluster, information about them is more easily obtained, and corporate efforts are more visible. Organizations outside these huge urban centers tend to be left out.

The nonprofit sector also lacks training programs and resource centers to support the development of its business skills. The dominance of government-established NGOs, which tap government resources to build these capabilities, has forestalled the formation of a strong independent support network. A growing number of grassroots organizations - particularly those operating outside the biggest cities - will require such an infrastructure to get the resources and training they need.

Many nonprofits have relied on their entrepreneurial ability and the unwavering commitment of their founders to overcome the hurdles and create innovative, sustainable programs. These organizations will doubtless grow stronger in response to legal and regulatory measures intended to develop the sector. We estimate that from 500 to 800 high-caliber nonprofit organizations in China have the scale, impact, and expansion potential to benefit greatly from the increased managerial skills and other kinds of support that corporations could provide.

One example is the Sherig Norbu Jigme Gyaltsen School, in Qinghai province. Qinghai's public schools provide only a modern Chinese education, in Mandarin, while the region's Tibetan monasteries don't have the resources to teach students modern sciences and languages. To serve Qinghai's large population of Tibetan children better, Jigme Gyaltsen founded the Sherig Norbu in 1994, using personal savings of 3,000 renminbi ($400) and about 13,000 renminbi in borrowed money. The school combines a traditional Tibetan education, which includes logic and debating techniques rooted in Buddhism, with a modern Chinese education taught in Mandarin and English.

The school operates several for-profit businesses, including a Ragya yak cheese factory, which accounts for a significant part of its annual income (27 percent in 2004). Despite Sherig Norbu's success, it could benefit from corporate support - rudimentary management skills, for example, could help improve the sales and distribution of its cheese.

The corporate challenge

In 2004 multinational corporations in China donated $50 million to $75 million to the country's NGOs. While financial support is always welcome, these companies would make a greater impact by directing their money more effectively and by complementing their financial support with help in developing the nonprofits' management and operating skills - making experienced staff available, for example.

In-kind services with intellectual muscle

In some countries, nonprofit organizations have access to paid and pro bono networks of accountants, consultants, lawyers, and trainers. The Boston-based group New Sector Alliance, for example, coordinates the activities of a variety of volunteers (including professionals, MBA students, and undergraduates) to advise and train nonprofits. Only a handful of organizations have initiated comparable training programs for China's nonprofits, despite the glaring need.

Corporations can help fill this gap by, for instance, funding research into social issues or allowing employees to dedicate a specific number of hours each year to help Chinese nonprofits, which, unlike their counterparts in more developed economies, need training in basic business skills such as accounting, management, marketing, and logistics and distribution. Corporations can teach these skills effectively through long-term volunteer projects.

Such projects offer companies two benefits that funding alone cannot. First, the direct transfer of skills and services gives donors greater control over the outcome of their philanthropic efforts. Second, by creating a window into the nonprofits' operations, this kind of interaction will enable companies to tailor their future donations.

Consider the potential impact of the corporate presence at a grassroots organization that provides housing and psychological counseling for children of incarcerated parents. In 1998 Zhang Shuqin established Sun Village at Xian, in central China. The organization now has four centers serving more than 400 students, as well as a solid base of corporate donors. It also solicits donations for planting jujube trees on its land and then sells the fruit, used in Chinese medicine, to generate additional revenue.

Sun Village has been slow to expand, despite adequate funding and increasing demand for its services. Instead of adding new ones or building new centers, it has become overly focused on day-to-day operations. Zhang continues to make nearly every organizational decision - from setting funding targets to determining how the van is used. Corporate volunteers could help by coaching managers in how to set strategic goals, raise funds, and delegate responsibility.

Corporate executives should also seek seats on the advisory boards of nonprofit organizations. Until recently, these boards often didn't function well, since the benefits of organizational governance were not fully understood. Our discussions, however, show that nonprofits are slowly recognizing the need for greater corporate participation and are increasingly open to extending the invitation to private-sector executives. Board representation not only allows a company to ensure that its donations are used wisely but also gives it the opportunity to improve the governance and professionalism of nonprofits and to enhance their performance in the vital areas of marketing and strategic planning.

Funding human resources and training

In addition to providing volunteers, corporations should rethink the way they distribute charity to nonprofits. Most organizations direct their donations toward program expenses (such as the operating costs of a school or a women's center) but not the costs of administration, fund-raising, or staff development. Further, many donors focus on issues that are high on the government's list of priorities (and therefore widely publicized), such as the environment, vocational education, and improving rural villages. As a result, many nonprofits amend their programs merely to increase the donations they receive - even if in doing so they neglect their core mission. Because funds for environmental problems were available, for instance, one of China's larger, education-focused organizations developed side projects to address them; another nonprofit, which operates orphanages, has started a number of vocational-education projects purely to attract donors. Diversification would be appropriate if these organizations had the right skills, but given their tight resources and narrow capabilities they would be better off focusing on their core mission.

To encourage nonprofits to deepen their program expertise and expand their core capabilities, corporations can supply funds to improve the way they develop, recruit, and retain employees. Providing the resources to build and staff a school is helpful, for instance, but corporate support of teacher training - directly or through third-party organizations - will go further toward sustaining nonprofits in the longer term. At Sun Village, for example, a corporation might consider paying for programs to train employees in psychological counseling or providing them with child care.

Corporations should also provide more multiyear grants. Donors in China generally offer support for only one year at a time, on the theory that the annual reapplication process is the best way to motivate and assess a nonprofit's performance. However, this practice creates significant administrative burdens. A typical midsize organization with 5 to 15 workers, for example, may write more than 25 grant proposals a year, expecting to receive funds for perhaps 5 to 12 of them. Multiyear grants, which would lighten this administrative task, could be made conditional on meeting specific performance targets, reviewed regularly.

Creating a new nonprofit infrastructure

While the private sector's participation is critical to developing nonprofits in China, they themselves must initiate reforms aimed at building skills and resources. China needs to develop national organizations, similar to the International Red Cross, that can direct funding and services to grassroots nonprofits, for example. With government-established NGOs absorbing most of the available funds, the current allocation of resources is inefficient. Large NGOs are not always best placed to respond to society's changing needs, whereas smaller, more nimble grassroots organizations may be better able to tailor services to local conditions. In Shanghai, for instance, an organization called MOPA Housekeeping not only employs and trains migrant workers so they can perform basic housecleaning services but also provides cultural centers and group homes to help them manage the difficult transition from rural to urban life - a need that larger nonprofits have overlooked. The creation of Chinese foundations focused on supporting small, grassroots nonprofits would make resources more widely available.

Some government-affiliated NGOs have the capacity and scope to organize national foundations. Their strengths include good relationships with the Chinese government, networks of volunteers, stable international and domestic financial support, and experienced managers. The China Youth Development Foundation, for example, is in a good position to take on this challenge: it channels resources to smaller nonprofits that concentrate on rural education and youth-centered projects but that work in ways (or areas) that the foundation's own efforts don't cover.

A network of domestic foundations could help spur the development of national resource centers to provide nonprofits with advice, teach them fund-raising skills, and perform research services. Currently, the one-year-old NPO (Nonprofit) Development Center, in Shanghai, and the six-year-old China NPO Network, in Beijing, plan to offer some of these services. But there is room - and need - for more. Corporations could ally themselves with large NGOs to finance both domestic foundations and national nonprofit resource centers, particularly in the interior and western regions where China needs them most.

Finally, China's leading nonprofits can set and publicize governance standards for themselves and others in the sector. The China Youth Development Foundation, the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation, and the NPO Network, for example, have begun discussions to create an initiative to build public trust, attract donors, and establish nonprofit standards, including audited financial statements, functioning boards of directors, Web portals, and appropriate organizational structures. Nonprofits that meet such standards would receive formal recognition as "higher-quality" organizations. While this initiative is a good first step, it must be implemented fully and effectively to serve as a catalyst for change, and similar efforts should be established at the national level.

Increased government and private-sector efforts will be critical to ensuring that China's nonprofit organizations can respond effectively to the growing demand for their services. Corporations can choose from a variety of tactics beyond monetary donations in order to provide China's proliferating nonprofits with the most useful resources - financial and beyond - and to supplement the government's efforts to help these groups build a sustainable future for the country.

Mark Yu-Ting Chen is an alumnus of McKinsey's Taipei office of and adviser to McKinsey; Lincoln Pan is an alumnus of the Hong Kong office; Hai Wu is a principal in the Beijing office.

This article was originally published in the McKinsey Quarterly.

China Grand Charity Forum

Starting from April 2008, the National Government of China, major media and the NGO sector will jointly have high profile seminars on Charity as part of the China Grand Charity Forum, featuring the recipients of the Annual Charity Personnel Award of China. The purpose is to inspire Chinese youths with examples...


中华慈善大讲堂简介

主办单位  民政部慈善事业协调办公室  中民慈善捐助信息中心  项目缘起  榜样的力量是无穷的。作为一年一度慈善公益领域的最高政府奖项——中华慈善奖设立的初衷,是以推典型、树榜样的方式弘扬善举 ...

  主办单位
  民政部慈善事业协调办公室
  中民慈善捐助信息中心
  项目缘起
   榜样的力量是无穷的。作为一年一度慈善公益领域的最高政府奖项——中华慈善奖设立的初衷,是以推典型、树榜样的方式弘扬善举,广传善名,激发全民向善的 热情,从而达到 “以善促善”的目的。为了延续中华慈善奖的影响力和传播效应,从今年开始,中华慈善奖将开启“慈善大讲堂”项目。这是一个面向全国,贯穿全年的慈善活动, 通过巡讲互动的方式传播慈善理念,以青少年学生为主要目标受众进而辐射整个社会,引导人心向善,从善如流。
  核心内容
  “慈善大讲堂”系列活动将围绕“对话慈善名流、交锋慈善观点、分享慈善故事、对接慈善资源”的核心思路展开,为社会各阶层,尤其是大学生群体提供一个参与慈善事业,发表慈善观点的平台。
  本年度的“慈善大讲堂”系列活动拟定于在2007年度“中华慈善奖”颁奖晚会结束后展开,于2008年度“中华慈善奖”评选工作展开时结束。该活动衔接两届奖项,将“中华慈善奖”影响力贯穿全年,现拟定全年开展10场。
   2007年以及历年“中华慈善奖”的得主将成为“慈善大讲堂”的善行大使或主讲嘉宾,另外活动还将邀请公益慈善领域的知名人士参加。这是一个以“善”为 轴心的舞台,可以分享慈善故事;也可以探讨慈善热点话题、建言献策;还可以投身慈善大讲堂互动活动的推广和实施;当然这里也是广结善缘和志同道合的朋友共 谋一聚的好地方。
  “慈善大讲堂”主要以高校为主要活动场所,市政大楼、街头广场、知名建筑等为辅助活动场所。在“慈善大讲堂”的主题下,我们 将针对具体活动开发配套的相应环节:整个活动以“慈善演讲”为主要形式,以“慈善论坛”为辅助形式,每场除嘉宾做主体发言与大学生互动交流外,还将根据每 场慈善讲堂的特点融入慈善义演、慈善拍卖、慈善募捐、慈善大赛、慈善展播等环节。传递无私奉献的感动;孕育慈心济世的情怀!
  项目亮点
  “慈善大讲堂”是“中华慈善奖”的自然延伸。
  全国首开先河:拓展慈善事业弘扬慈善文化的独创之举。
  引领善行风暴:辗转百所高校传播慈善理念的崇高目标。
  特别的大讲堂:名流专家学子共话慈善风云的全新尝试。
  广泛的参与性:征集身边慈善故事分享感动的大众情怀。

Jun 9, 2008

Modern China's First Environmental Activist: Congjie Liang

梁从诫- 环境保护与公民责任

Liang Congjie (梁从诫)

Prof. Liang is a very well-known historian in China, and has devoted his career to the development of education, culture and publication in China. In 1993, his began to pay attention to the environment problems, and started the first Chinese environment NGO, Friends of Nature. Since then, he has committed all his efforts and energy to improving the public awareness and environment protection activities.


He has made almost one hundred speeches or presentations to the students in universities, middle and primary schools. At the 4th National Conference of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, he made a speech on "Strengthen the environment protection as an urgent task", the first speech on this topic in this arena. As a National Conference member, he has made important proposals to the CPPCC at every conference. Prof. Liang has been an author or editor of several books and published many articles to call the public awareness of environment protection.

Prof. Liang is an active leader in stopping the Shahtoosh Trade in the international black market to protect the endangered Tibetan antelopes. He himself traveled there to support the local Tibetans against animal poachers and smugglers. He organized the training planting activities in the desertified areas of China, participated by thousands of citizens and international friends. He launched the campaign to protect the endangered Golden Monkeys in the primary forest in Yunnan province, and his proposal was adopted by the Chinese government. In 1995, 1999 and 2000, he was awarded with national and international prizes for his great contribution to the environment protection. In 2000, he was invited by the Chinese State Environment Protection Administration as one of its 40 environment envoys.

In November 2005, he and four other environmental activists were given the Figures of Green China in 2005 award, the first awards for environmentalists sponsored by the central government and supported by the United Nations Environmental Program. Liang founded Friends of Nature (FON) in 1994. He has been dubbed “the soul of China’s non-governmental environmental protection.” Having devoted himself to environmental issues for over ten years, Liang is cognizant of the difficulties and hardships connected with the career he chose. Prof. Liang was born in 1932 in a family, with his grandfather as a great reformer in the contemporary Chinese history and his father as the most well-known architect in modern China.
1950-1954 Under-graduate student in history, Peking University
1954-1958 Graduate student in history, Peking University
1958-1962 Professor of history, Yunnan University
1962-1969 Research Fellow, Institute of International Relations, Beijing
1969-1978 Farmer at "5.7 cadre school(farm)" in Jiangxi province
1978-1988 Editor of China Encyclopedia
1988- Professor in history, China Culture Academy
1989- Member of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
1994- Chairman of "Friends of Nature" (NGO)
1998- Vice-chairman of China Association of Cultural Relics & Heritage

http://knows.jongo.com/res/article/17963

References:
China.org.cn

“The Soul of China's Environmental NGOs”

http://russian.china.org.cn/english/MATERIAL/158625.htm

Reports on Liang receiving China’s first governmental award for environmentalists “Figures of Green China 2005 Award”

Report from U.S. Embassy Beijing, February 2000

http://www.usembassy-china.org.cn/sandt/liangNGO.htm

How Liang got Friends of Nature registered in China as the 1st environmental NGO in 1994. Introduce major area of activities of Friends of Nature.

Myhero.Com

http://myhero.com/myhero/hero.asp?hero=FON

Brief introduction of the activities and achievements of Friend of Nature.

采访梁从诫委员并不是一件十分容易的事情。但这并不是说梁委员很难接近,恰恰相反,只要曾经和他接触过的人都异口同声称赞他的平易近人。也正是因为如此,采访他的记者很多,所以事先还需“排队”。在耐心等待了三天之后,终于见到了72岁高龄的梁从诫委员,当时他正在热心的帮一位曾有一面之缘的记者联系采访文喆委员的事宜。

首先注意到的是他递过来的名片,这是我见过的最薄、最简陋的名片,说白了就是随处可见的一张废纸。废纸的背面印着几行字:梁从诫——自然之友会长、全国政协委员、历史学教授。

我们的话题从他的家世展开。

“名人之后没有带给我光环!”
在别人眼里,作为清末改良派领袖梁启超之孙、著名建筑学家梁思成之子,梁从诫委员与身俱来的光环足以引来无数艳羡的目光。然而他却告诉记者,自己从未感受到父辈留给的任何光环。相反自己却因从未谋面的祖父而在文革中倍受凌辱,被人批斗喊作“中国最大的保皇派的孙子”,所以祖父那时一直是自己心灵上最大的包袱!父亲梁思成是在去世后才因生前所著《中国建筑史》声名鹊起,而母亲林徽音的名气恐怕更多是来自于那部《人间四月天》吧。说这话时,梁老的语气里略带了一丝丝伤感。

历史学者与环保主义者的契合点
梁从诫委员毕业于北京大学历史系,曾在云南教过书,现在是我国民间环保组织“自然之友”的会长。说起他是如何从一名历史学者成为环保志愿者。梁老称自己的环保之路始于八十年代牛文元委员的一篇文章。文中牛文元委员指出“乡镇企业有可能会成为一个新的污染源。而且因为它们星罗棋布、大量使用淘汰设备,所以将会很难治理。”正是这篇文章让梁从诫委员第一次将目光投向了环保问题。“做环保工作完全是我自己的选择、我愿意为它付出所有的精力和时间。”

有道之士,贵以近知远,以所见知所不见。也许正因为梁从诫委员的深厚历史文化积淀,才使他更容易认识到环保的重要性。

“世界工厂”?“世界厨房”!

据最新统计数字显示,目前我国生产1美元的商品所消耗的能源是日本的11倍、法德的10倍、英美的5倍。

“土地还是这么大、人口总量却是历史之最,极度匮乏的资源如何支撑经济的飞速发展?更何况是这种高消耗、低产出的落后生产方式!” 老人显得极为愤怒,“在我看来,有些人津津乐道的‘世界工厂’实际就是‘世界厨房’ ——用我们的原材料做好饭菜、端上国际大餐桌,给自己剩下的只是一些鸡毛蒜皮烂骨头,还有烟熏火燎的污染!”

人口多、资源匮乏的现实只能直面,但落后的生产模式、无度挥霍的生活方式却可以通过努力去改变。从一点一滴做起,提高资源的使用效率。正如老人所言:“如果所有的人都不愿意去做,那就一步也无法迈出;只要有一个人去做,即使是跨出了很小的一步,那也是在前进。”

让中华大地上多一条自由的河流

梁从诫委员此次带来的四份提案中就有两份是与环境保护相关的提案。一份是关于停止对怒江梯级开发的提案,另一份是关于对河流应分类规划治理的提案。“看看地图,中国的河流也就只有雅鲁藏布江和怒江是自由的了,其它的河流哪一条不是修满了堤坝和水电站,尤其东南部的河流几乎没有一条没被污染。”

采访的最后,老人还特意提到,自己这次带来的提案都是一些民间组织的调研结果,“可以看出人们的社会责任感提高了。”欣慰之情溢于言表。(人民网)

简 介


http://www.17315.com.cn/wq.asp?id=55
梁从诫,1932年出生,1954年毕业于北京大学历史系。1954年至1958年北京大学历史系研究生。1958年至1962年云南大学历史系教师。 1978年至1988年在中国大百科全书出版社任编辑,1988年后应聘到中国文化书院任教授、导师。1994年创建中国第一个民间环保团体“自然之友” 并任会长。


他的祖父梁启超为挽救民族危亡,参与公车上书、戊戌变法;他的父亲梁思成为了保留北京古城墙,四处奔走呼喊……风流云转,距离戊戌已过百年,曾经显赫的家世,梁从诫不愿多谈,环保是他喜说的话题。

  许是第一次见面的缘故,对视而坐的梁先生,神情略显严肃,谈及环保则神采飞扬起来。梁先生办公之地的小楼向西离故宫不远,往东距古城墙很近。

  宫殿与城墙属于历史,梁从诫十几年来不懈努力的环保,却影响着现在与未来。“亚洲环境奖”、“地球奖”、“雷蒙·麦格赛赛奖”……而“绿色中国年度人物”是梁从诫和自然之友所获众多环境保护奖项中最新的一个。

  保护藏羚羊 泪洒可可西里

  20年前,一篇环保文章使梁从诫深受震撼,引发了他对环境问题的忧虑。1994年3月31日,不断加深的忧虑感催促下,梁从诫走出书斋,与几个朋友创立了自然之友,中国第一个民间环保团体诞生。

  1998年10月,梁从诫得到英国驻华大使支持,给英国首相布莱尔写了一封信,请求他设法制止英国的藏羚羊绒非法贸易,以支持中国反盗猎藏羚羊的斗争。布莱尔很快就写了回信,访华时专门会见了他。此后,英国对藏羚羊绒的贸易加强了监管。

  近年来,圆明园防渗、怒江水电开发等环境事件,总能够听到梁从诫的声音。自然之友在事件进程中发挥了不可忽视的作用,已成为中国标志性的民间环保组织,累计发展会员8000多人。

   参与环保十多年,梁从诫的故事很多。如今听起来似乎轻松自然,但背后的曲折与困苦很少为人所知。67岁时,登上海拔4000多米的可可西里,当见到保护 藏羚羊的“野牦牛队”时,梁从诫说:“像是到了家一样。”藏族小伙们哭了,梁先生也哭了。泪水无声,却道出了环境保护的艰辛。

  废纸做名片 不唱绿色高调

  梁从诫的名片很特别,是用废旧纸张做成的。

   “真心实意,身体力行,不唱绿色高调”,是梁先生环保行动的一条宗旨。多年来,他把这一宗旨贯穿于生活的每一个细节,不只是小小的名片。家里洗衣机漂洗 时产生的水,被梁先生储存起来,用于冲厕。“中国的人均淡水占有量只有世界平均水平的1/4,北京市的人均淡水占有量比沙漠国家以色列都少,不能再浪费 了。”谈起资源的紧张,梁从诫面露愁容。

  梁先生的办公室不大,却在墙上挂了两张中国地图,一张地形图,一张是森林分布图。采访中,老 人时不时让我们抬头看这两张地图。森林分布图上的国土只在最东北和最西南有很小两块完整的绿色,余下的只有一些支离破碎的绿色残片。为了抵制餐馆里的一次 性筷子,老人多年来都随身携带一个小布袋,里面放着几双筷子供自己和家人、朋友使用。

  梁从诫用自己的言行影响身边的人:不用一次性纸杯,为防浪费每次只倒半杯水,这些是自然之友工作人员的待客规矩;自然之友的内部刊物用再生纸印制;大家献给梁先生的生日贺卡,也仅是一张小小的签满名字的绿色纸片。

  尽心宣扬环保 只问耕耘,不求回报

  谈话中,梁先生不时地咳嗽几声。他刚从深圳做环保主题的演讲回来,“在深圳五天讲了五场,嗓子都说哑了。”尽管咳嗽让梁从诫身体有些不适,不过谈到有几千人听自己讲环保,微笑立刻涌上他的面容。

  去深圳之前,他还在另外两个城市做了多场演讲。一个月左右时间辗转三地,行程可谓密集。像这样的演讲已经讲了多少场,听众有多少人,梁从诫已经无法记清。

  如今,梁从诫和自然之友更多的工作集中在环境教育方面,特别是对青少年的环境教育。除了演讲、培训班方式,还采取派志愿者去贫困地区“希望小学”开展环境教育。自然之友的“羚羊车”是中国第一辆环境教育教学车,已经访问了400多所学校。

  踊跃的听众、学校热情的邀请,刚开始宣传环保时却并非如此顺利:听众最少时,空旷的屋子里只有5个人;去一个希望小学捐赠环保读物,曾因误解被人骂作“老骗子”……“我宣传环保,只问耕耘,不问收获。”面对猜疑和误解,梁从诫淡淡地说。

  夕阳洒满屋子,突然间觉得“布道者”这样的形容用在老人身上很合适,如果非要给“布道者”加个定语的话,当然是“绿色”。

梁从诫:向极端发展主义宣战

这是一个至情至性的老人:他从来不印名片,和人聊的投机了,就随手撕下一角废纸自制一张土名片。他是名门之后、政协委员,但恐怕也是少有的骑着自行车、穿着布鞋去报到的委员;他讨厌外出吃饭应酬,实在拒绝不了就自带碗筷;招待客人,他从来都只倒半杯水以避免浪费。

这也是一个敢怒敢言的老人:在举国上下都说“科学技术是第一生产力”的时候,他提醒如果不对人类行为进行约束,科学技术也是自然的第一破坏力。当某 些部门大力发展汽车产业时,他大声讨伐小汽车的“道路霸权”。当地方政府制定出宏伟的怒江水电开发计划后,他冒着被追杀的风险四处奔走,希望为

中国留下“唯一一条自由流淌的河流”。别人骂他是“极端环保主义者”时,他不仅欣然接受,并且声明自己就是要向极端发展主义宣战。

这位老人叫梁从诫,今年已经76岁。他因为创建了中国第一个环保NGO——自然之友,成为国人环境保护意识的启蒙者。

梁从诫是著名建筑学家梁思成和林徽因的儿子,他的名字,曾寄托了长辈对他的殷殷期待。原来,林徽因怀梁从诫的时候,正在努力攻读古代建筑学家李诫的著作,由于希望儿子将来也能成为一名古建筑学家,因此取名“从诫”。

可惜,家庭的言传身教,并没有帮助梁从诫走上建筑之路。北京大学历史系研究生毕业后,梁从诫成了历史学家。而这一轨迹,又在他年逾六旬之后发生了改变。

究竟是什么,让一个年逾六旬的老人突然改变自己的事业轨迹?对此,梁从诫是这么解释的:“上世纪80年代初我办了一个杂志叫《百科知识》,当时我收到一位作者给我投来的稿子,里面讲到乡镇企业。

那个时候乡镇企业刚刚起步,社会上一片赞扬声。可是这位作者却说,乡镇企业有可能成为我们国家环境保护方面的一大问题,因为星罗棋布的小规模的乡镇 企业可能会造成遍地开花的环境污染问题。现在大家已经看到了,这已经变成现实了,我就是从读他那篇文章开始意识到中国环境问题的严重性。”

对于梁从诫放弃史学研究投身环保,学界泰斗季羡林先生曾作过如下评价:“从诫本来是一个历史学家,如果沿着这条路走下去的话,什么风险也不会有就能 有所成就。然而,他不甘心坐在象牙塔里养尊处优;他毅然抛开那一条‘无灾无难到公卿’的道路,由一个历史学家一变而为‘自然之友’。这就是他忧

国忧民忧天下思想的表现。我对他只能表示钦佩与尊敬。宁愿丢一个历史学家,也要多一个‘自然之友’。”

而梁从诫对中国环境问题的认识,也带有历史学的厚重。他曾在讲座中多次提醒,我们的人口历史上从来没有这么多,因此我们的人均资源从来没有像现在这 么少,而这些人均资源是一个国家发展和环境改善的最根本的条件,如果我们这方面遭到了破坏,变成了很贫瘠的状态,那么就谈不到这个国家会有一个

非常繁荣、非常安全的前提。

在这两个基础之上,最让梁从诫担心的是一种极端发展主义的思路。他表示,国富民强是一件好事,但是大家同时不要忘记,这个国富民强是要靠自然资源和 土地所承受的污染和排放作为代价,我们怎么样能够找到一个更合理的结合点?而不是单纯地牺牲我们的环境、牺牲我们的资源?梁从诫经常会被问到,“自然之 友”成立十几年了,最大的成就究竟是什么?

在他看来,以“自然之友”为代表的NGO,最大的成就不是保住了哪一座山、保住了哪一种动物。而是为社会上许多关注环保的人找到了一个共同发挥作用 的可能性,就是提供了一个组织、提供了一个家园。“积十年之成效,中国的NGO已经成为一个不容忽视的显著存在。虽然在他们为大自然请命的抗争中,可以说 是败多胜少;但他们仍然以‘知其不可而为之’的态度积极行动,屡败屡战。他们是一群无私的挑战者、清醒的奉献者、积极的‘悲观主义’者。因而,他们经常被 人视为天真或偏激。然而,社会并不总是循着‘聪明人’的意志。回头看时,我们竟然比当初所能想象的走得更远,正如龙应台在获文学奖时的感言——好像在漂泊 的路上忽然发现一蓬当年种下的金盏菊,刚好盛开。”这是“自然之友”纪念自己十年过往时的感言。这何尝不是梁从诫自己的心路历程。

十余年的环保一线工作经验,让梁从诫对中国的环保现状有了更清醒的认识。在“自然之友”,梁从诫提了一个口号,“不当绿色救世主”。他一再提醒工作人员,不要以为自己有多大的本领,舍我其谁。

改变社会风气是很难的,就一条“不要随地吐痰”,喊了多少年了,喊了100年了,孙中山就喊起,喊到蒋介石,一直喊到共产党,结果怎么样?不是照样 在大街上随地吐痰吗?这么一件小小的事情都那么难改变,如果我们自己不从自身做起,而总是希望借助一个什么奇迹般的力量一下子把这个社会全改了,是做不到 的。

最近几年,梁从诫提得最多的话题是环保公益诉讼。“没有环保公益诉讼,我们环保团体没有办法代表公众利益去起诉环境污染的制造者。”他以四川沱江重 大污染事件为例,虽然事件的责任人受到制裁,但是,这种恶性污染事件给沿江的百姓造成的重大损失却一直没有赔偿,谁去帮老百姓讨回公道和利益?

“环境权益不仅仅属于私人利益,更属于社会公益。”梁从诫表示,在欧美各国的环境法中,都普遍采用了环境公益诉讼制度。为减轻公众在环境诉讼中的成本,弥补其专业知识,各国都为公众环境诉讼创造了便利的司法条件。

如果说,梁从诫的祖父梁启超曾以《少年中国说》照亮了半封建半殖民地社会中国人的心灵,他的父亲梁思成用古建筑唤醒了国人重视历史、尊重文化的情结,那么,梁从诫则用环保NGO的力量,给了这个浮
躁的社会更多反思。

梁从诫简介

1932 年生于北京,祖父梁启超,父亲梁思成,母亲林徽因。

1989年开始,任全国政协委员和常委,以及政协人口、资源、环境委员会委员;

1993年开始关注民间环境保护活动。领导创建了中国第一家完全民办环境保护组织“自然之友”;

1999年,获中国环境新闻工作者协会和香港地球之友颁发的“地球奖”,以及国家林业局颁发的“大

熊猫奖”;

2000年12月, 被国家环保总局授予 “环境保护杰出贡献者”称号;

2002年,任“北京奥组委环境顾问”;

2005年,获“绿色中国年度人物”奖。


Jun 4, 2008

Yuan Yue: How to "Socially" Enterprise 袁岳:社会公益怎么创业

2007-05-25 | 今日感慨:社会公益怎么创业

标签:创业 公益 社会
  我最近大力提倡社会公益创业(Social Entrepreneurship),当然这个词本身不是我的首创,实际上社会公益创业目前在国际上也相当风行,尤其在有比尔盖茨与巴菲特的巨资捐献之 后,社会公益创业的热度更高。在国内最近很热企业社会责任与商业创业热潮的时候,提出社会公益创业也是别有意义的。
  首先我们要知道不是所有人都是只想做生意或者在普通的商业行业中就业的,在我们的人群中有些人本身就是对做公益事业感兴趣或者有专长的,从他们这些人 的长期安身立命与发挥作用的角度来说,并不需要都涌去做生意,他们可以从事社会公益的创业,而在创业之后也为更多人在社会公益事业中就业提供了条件;其次 不少人想进行社会公益创业,但不知道怎么做,或者在启动条件上有一些差距,所以如果有人提供知识信息共享、专门管理技能训练与经验交流方面的支持,那么这 些人的社会公益创业梦想就更可能付诸实施;再次当有一些成功的社会公益创业案例的时候就为更多的人从事社会公益创业提供了活生生的榜样,就能推动社会公益 事业更好地发展,甚至推动社会公益环境的改善,在创业者的眼里,即使现在社会公益创业的条件还有些挑战,这恰恰是社会公益创业的社会价值所在与需要创业的 原因所在。
  最近我对上海大学生科技创业基金与亚洲公益论坛的领导沟通社会公益创业的构想,同时帮助他们开始对社会公益创业的鼓励与支持措施提出具体的规划。在最 近的一段时间,考虑国内公益组织的管制模式,会首先在大学生范围内鼓励与支持公益创业,利用建设具有社会活动能力的学生组织的形式,通过审批专项申请的途 径,提供启动资金,并在组织构架、筹资技术、项目管理、成效评价等方面提供培训支持,提供社会公益创业的创业导师,并为社会公益创业参与社会公益交流提供 常规平台。当然并不是所有人都符合社会公益创业的要求,其中个人强烈的社会公益兴趣,还有对于社会公益创业模式的初步设计均非常重要——所有人都可介入公 益创业,但只有那些在模式设计上有所创造者才可能获得适当的支持与帮助。我个人期望社会公益创业不仅提供给大学生一种良好的社会实践模式,同时也能提供给 大学生一种未来在社会上持续创业与就业的新渠道,也为在社会公共服务中扩大NGO的人力资源与活动资源提供了有效的支持。如果我们在一个五年计划中能产生 100-200个有一定影响力与活动能力的社会公益创业案例,那么这将是对中国社会公益事业的重大支持。同学,社会公益创业,你有兴趣没有?

袁岳:北京大学社会学博士,哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院MPA,西南政法大学法学硕士,现任零点研究咨询集团董事长。中国信息协会市场研究业分会副会长,北京科技咨 询业协会理事长,世界专业研究人士协会(ESOMAR)中国区代表,国际管理咨询机构协会(AMCF)中国区代表,北京留学生商会副会长,哈佛校友会副会 长。清华大学、南开大学、西南交大、中国传媒大学等高校管理学兼职教授、MBA/MPA兼职导师。发表有管理学、经济学、社会学和法学方面的论述约900 余万字。在组织管理、高级谈判、市场营销、品牌管理、政策分析方法、社会群体研究方面有相当研究,担任多家重要媒体和企业的长期管理顾问。
http://blog.focus.cn/~yuanyue